THE ROLE OF DNA IN TRACING ANCESTRY, BEHAVIOUR AND PERSONAL IDENTITY
- GENETICS AND THE KUKI SOCEITY - - Part 1 -

Chong Singsit,Ph.d
Introduction In a changing world, the laws of hereditary discovered by Augustinian monk George Gregory Mendel has stood the test of time, unchallenged, and is still the basis by which relationships among living organisms is explained.
There is no denying that genetic science has impacted our society, the government, science and technology, and the moral code of conduct.
Today courts decide the fate of accused criminals based on DNA testing, the eating of genetically modified food, and the practice of gene therapy; all of which will one day be routine rather than the exception.
The landmark sequencing of the human genome unlocked the genetic mystery of the human physiological functions and promised superior individual healthcare, including designer drugs. While the technology is astonishing, it also interferes with personal privacy and exposes individuals vulnerable to insurance company's decisions about personal healthcare.
This article is an excerpt of a seminar given on Thanksgiving Day November 22, 2007 at a gathering of the Kuki-Chin community at Tulsa, Oklahoma, USA to celebrate Chavang Kut (Harvest Festival).
The primary objective of this article, however, is the role of genetics in tracing human origin, ancestry, and personal behavior. People have wondered for ages how traits are inherited from one generation to the next, and why children often look more like one parent than the other, though most offspring possess blended characteristics of both parents.
DNA testing is the only empirical evidence that genetic imprinting on the chromosomes have taken place, establishing the laws of hereditary. While the role of DNA in ancestry study is more discreet, the influence of genes on human behavior is harder to establish.
Certain individuals may be born with genetic conditions that are likely to exhibit aggressive behaviors. The role of DNA in tracing individual identity may be harder to establish because of the environmental components that influence gene expression.
What can our genes tell us about who we are?
Do our genes affect behavior, personality, and self?
Is there a connection between genetic structures and specific behaviors?
How should we respond to the concept of freedom and responsibility?

Every genetic trait must be tempered with personal responsibility. If our genes direct us to behave in a certain way, can we evade the consequences of that action? Our founding fathers were wise to acknowledge God by inserting a statement in the constitution "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
It is true that certain behaviors may have genetic components while others are acquired; nevertheless, there is no excuse for irresponsible behavior for normal human beings carrying 23 chromosome pairs.
DNA is the abbreviation for deoxyribonucleic acid, which is the genetic material present in the cells of all living organisms. DNA is the fundamental building block for an individual's entire genetic makeup. A person's DNA is the same in every cell (with a nucleus).
The DNA in a person's blood is the same as the DNA in their skin cells, semen, and saliva. Genetics is the study of genes and hereditary.
Since the discovery of DNA "the molecule of life" by James Watson and Francis Crick, at the University of Cambridge in 1953, molecular biologists have made many advances in the understanding of DNA and other nucleic acids.
DNA is a language whose alphabet has 4 letters,

*adenine (A),
*cytosine (C),
*guanine (G), and
*thymine (T).

Cells read the letters and make a copy (transcription) into a slightly different language called messenger RNA (mRNA), which then translates into a totally different language called proteins. Those sentences are called genes. DNA is self replicating and self perpetuating and translates its message into protein.

Tracing ancestry based on DNA is not just an academic exercise, but also has other practical applications. A geneticist at Howard University offered commercial genetic ancestry tracing to African-Americans who wanted to trace their genetic lineage back to the areas of Africa from which their ancestors were captured and brought to America as slaves (Elliott and Brodwin 2002).

The emergence of several commercial genetic testing ventures offering fee-for-service paternity testing, tests for evidence of Jewish ancestry and Native American ancestry.

Owing to the practice of close marriages, social structure and culture within these two societies (Jewish and Native American), the genetic traits is easily traceable within these communities.

Well before the advent of molecular genetics, the tracing of ancestry played an important and controversial part in political identity. While genetic ancestry tracing is becoming increasingly popular, its limitations make the information it reveals subject to misinterpretation.

In light of this, it is worth noting genetic ancestry has the potential to disrupt identity claims as well as to corroborate them. To be continued...

KUT AND ITS PEOPLE

There is it group of people who have never been able to find out their nomenclature by which they can collectively identify themselves as an ethnic group।

Prior to 1937 these people lived in Indo-Burma। However, in 1937 Burma was separated from India and the people living in Chin-hills and upper Chindwin have gone to Burma। Again in 1971 Chittagong Hill Tracts have gone to Bangladesh।

Thus, these people have been scattered into three different Independent countries creating a lot of predicaments for communications and personal contacts from one country to another. Gradually some of these ethnic groups lost their identity and tend to identify themselves with their neighbouring group who influenced them either politically or through their religious and social activities.

A bulk of their population is found in the Chin State of Burma while other members are dispersing in Manipur, Tripura, Bangladesh, Assam and Mizoram.

The tribes found in some parts of North-East India like Manipur. Tripura were called Kuki by the Enling their cognate tribes found in Burma were called Chin and those found in Mizoram, Assam, Bangladesh and Bengal were called Lushai. So, they became Kuki, Chin and Lushai. However the different tribes or clans inhabiting the entire perimeter of the present Mizoram have completely succeeded in disowning the term Kuki, Chin and Lushai and have adopted an inborn word Zomi commonly known as Mizo.

These ethnic groups were given various names by the people with whom they are living together by observing their demeanor and way of living. No common name exist till to-day which can comprise all these Kuki-Chin Tribes, mainly due to lack of centralized authority-an authority that could unify and integrate all the group into a well knit nation.

These group of people are not eager in forming a sub-nation. Instead, they prefer to be identified individually by the name of their specific tribes. These ethnics are divided into clans। Most of the tribes are now Christian.

Before they were imbued with Christian faith, they were worshipping various spirits, the spirit dwelling in different places like the precipice, water, woods rocks etc. About 95% of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo have now professed Christianity. They have therefore discarded many of their customs and tradition.

Yet, they still retain the majority of their customs and practices which are not contradictory to their new faith. These Chin-Kuki-Mizo people loved social intercourse and bustles, and accordingly. Kut is a common feature of their social life but not because of its pomposity, merriment and gaiety of the celebration, but because of its religious aspects. Kut is a festival, primarily to remember the creator God and to give thanks to him for his abundant blessings.

One of their cultural heritages which they eagerly looked forward to is Kuts because all sections of people whether rich or poor enjoyed themselves on such occasions forgetting all their anxieties and worries. There were three kinds of Kuts, though their exact origin were lost in oblivion. They are, Mim Kut, Pawal Kut, and Chapchar or Chapphou Kut. Mim Kut : Mim Kut was said to be the oldest of the three.

It derived its name form a plant called Mim the grain of which is eaten. This Mim Kut was held in honour of the dead and was also known as "Thitin" meaning "Departure of the dead spirit". The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people believed that the spirit of the dead frequented its home for 3 Lunar months immediately after death.

The origin of Mim Kut is connected with a couple who fell in love and got married. But soon after the wife died. The husband lacked sufficient emotional, Psychological or spiritual resources for bearing the trauma of the sudden death of his beloved wife and wept and wept. One day while weeping he fell into a state of trance and said to have visited "Mithikho", where he met his beloved wife but found her famished. When the husband enquired about the reason she replied that she could not procure enough food to eat, and implored her husband to go back and collect maize, cucumber, vegetable etc., from the Jhum and make offering to her so that she might get foods to eat to her satisfaction.

The husband did everything as told. After some months the husband was again in a state of trance. This time he saw his wife fat and stout. When he asked the reason his wife told him that she became stout and lovely because of the offerings he made for her. After recovering from his trance, he told his friends all what had happened in his trance. It is said that from that time onwards offerings to the dead became a common practice.

During Mim Kut, fresh vegetables, maize and bread prepared from sticky rice (Changman) were offered to the spirit of the dead persons of their respective families. This kut was also known as "feast of weeping". Normally it lasted for three days during which "Zu" country made liquor were served and songs were sung. Mim Kut is usually observed at the time of germination of maize, millet, cucumber and other green vegetables so as to celebrate the coming of fresh and vegetables.

Pawl Kut: Pawl means "Straw" hence pawl kut means kut held soon after the harvest. Some people hod the view that it originated with the catching of pawl Zu or Zu pawl (rats) found in heap of straw. Others connect it to the famine which visited them for three consecutive years. When they were in the Kabaw Vallley (Myanmar) on the fourth year, when they were relieved of the disaster their chief suggested to his Upas (village elders) that they should prepare a public feast, in which all the people might enjoy meal to their heart's content. This was agreed and public feast was arranged by killing fowls, pigs and goats.

Thus, the pawl kut came into existence. Chapchar Kut : Chapchar Kut is a festival observed in the intervening period between the felling of trees for Jhum and the burning of Jhum. The Chin-Kuki-Mizo people usually went for hunting to celebrate the occasion. While the Chief and Upas engaged themselves in preparing Zu to last the feast.

Every family of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo also prepared Zu to cover the whole feast which usually lasted for about a week. The Chapphou or Chapchar Kut was usually held in the jhum field. The felling of trees and bamboos for jhum cultivations were normally carried out during the month of January every year and left for drying to be burnt subsequently in the month of March of the year. Drinking feasting, dancing etc are usually performed during the short leisure period available to them.

The three kuts however today cannot be celebrated in its own due season due to the change of time, belief and style of the social life of the people. Thus the three kuts had been merged into one called Chavang Kut (Autumn festival) for the sake of convenience, which is celebrated on 1st November every year. The Chavang Kut is the only traditional institutions which bring together all the different tribes of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo on a single platform in a most harmonious environment.

It is one of the festivals identified by the Central Government and it has introduced a new elements of going with the modem times. Attractive items like Fashion Show. Beauty contests have been added. The Chavang Kut has now assumed not only a regional significance but also an international significance in the sense that its impact is no more confined to the state alone. Kut is a pride for the Chin-Kuki-Mizo and is a means through which the outside World could identify who they are.

It should also be on the anvil of the organisers to make attempts to bring outside journalists as well as TV, Net Works like Zee TV so that wide publicity is given to Kut and that the rich cultural heritages of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo tribe could be exposed.

Sominthang Doungel wrote this article for The Sangai Express . This article was webcasted on November 17th, 2006

THE PHANTOM DISAPPARANCES OF MANIPUR

Were 400 Manipuri villagers kidnapped and forced across the Burmese border or not?
By I Yumnam Rupachandra
Villagers turn up in Molcham to debunk the kidnap story
Last December, more than 1500 people living along the Burmese border in Manipur suddenly began leaving their villages, in flight from a counter-insurgency operation by the Indian Army against cadres of the Manipur People’s Army (MPA), the armed wing of the nearly 43-year-old insurgent group United National Liberation Front (UNLF). The Indian Army had just begun a major operation to purge MPA cadres from an area the insurgent group had been calling a “liberated zone”. Heavy artillery bombing and mortar shelling followed, and intermittent encounters between the two forces were also reported.
The Indo-Burmese frontier in the southeastern part of Manipur is almost devoid of the presence of state authority and government infrastructure. When this writer trekked into the area a few weeks before the military operation began, the army controlled the area up to Hengshi in Chandel District, beyond which the insurgents held sway. Caught in the crossfire, the predominantly Kuki-Chin villagers on both sides of this line were living a life of daily uncertainty.

As the fighting intensified during the following days, villagers from Chandel District, southeast of Imphal, began converging at a village called Molcham, seeking safety in numbers. They were soon moved out of this area, however, allegedly by the army, to a village called T S Laijang, near a new army post. The UNLF has charged the military with having used the villagers as human shields, and of herding them away – under the guise of humanitarian intentions – so that they would not be able to speak to the press about their experiences of the counter-insurgency operation. The army has denied all such accusations.

Another 300 villagers from Molcham managed to make it to the border trading town of Moreh, where another controversy erupted. The refugees were initially provided relief by a local NGO, but were whisked away the day after their arrival to T S Laijang under controversial circumstances, allegedly by members of two Kuki organisations – the Kuki Students’ Organisation and the Hill Tribal Council – in an act said to further the interests of the Indian Army. A group of journalists and state-assembly legislators were due to arrive at Moreh to meet the group just as it was being taken away. As with the previous incident in T S Laijang, the UNLF characterised the move as an attempt to forestall the villagers from telling the true story of what had taken place in Molcham.

Local media reports told of atrocities by security forces, while military officials reiterated that their forces were engaged in providing a secure environment for the villagers. Such statements were eventually called into question shortly thereafter, during a High Court inquiry into alleged atrocities at Tuyang village. Tuyang was one of the villages that took the brunt of the counter-insurgency operation from December through February this year. The severity of atrocities reportedly committed by the army forced the Tuyang village chief, Limkhojam Haokip, to seek judicial intervention in February. Haokip and a village secretary filed separate writ petitions, charging that the villagers were being utilised as forced labour by the paramilitary Assam Rifles, and that troops were beating up villagers and preventing the injured from being taken to hospital.

Subsequently, the High Court on 22 February issued a rule of notice to the Assam Rifles, after taking into consideration a report filed by the director of the Manipur Police Training School. Based on the report, the judges observed that the petitioners’ allegations appeared to be correct.
Kuki kidnappingEven as these dramas were playing out, in mid-March nearly 400 villagers who had remained holed up in T S Laijang along with a group of Indian Army troops suddenly disappeared. Several Kuki organisations charged the UNLF with having kidnapped the villagers and handing them over to the Myanmar Army. These organisations issued a statement alleging that, in the early morning of 13 March, militants rounded up the villagers, beat them up and took them away. The villagers were said to be detained at Lalim Namunta village in Burma, about an hour’s walk from T S Laijang.

Over in New Delhi, soon after the disappearances a rally was organised that was led in part by the Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO). Memorandums were submitted to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh demanding the clearing of Chandel District of UNLF activists. The KSO memorandum charged the UNLF of laying landmines in the area. It also alleged that the Rangoon junta had a “tacit understanding” with the UNLF. The rally turned violent after the Delhi police detained a number of protestors.

Several Kuki groups proceeded to call a bandh on the stretch of highway between Moreh and Imphal, continuing to demand the rescue of the missing villagers. But even as the strike was in progress, a media team from Imphal gained access to Molcham, where the villagers who had been reported kidnapped had suddenly appeared to tell their stories. The villagers proceeded to debunk the kidnapping story, saying that they had returned to the area as the fighting had subsided, in order to attend to their jhum (shifting cultivation) fields.

After hearing of the media visit, the Kuki Student’s Organisation and the Hill Tribe Council attempted to detain the reporters on their way out of the area. Activists took away the journalists’ notebooks and cameras, and the reporters were made to sign a declaration promising not to write articles related to the three-day affair. The media team was eventually freed after intervention by a team from the All Manipur Working Journalists’ Union. Following intervention by the state police, the journalists’ cameras and notebooks were returned, and their stories were widely published.

The Kuki groups cried foul, accusing the media of bias. They set up their own fact-finding team, which eventually came out with a report suggesting that more than 400 villagers had in fact been kidnapped from T S Laijang, which the report claimed had been abandoned by the Indian military in mid-February. The Kuki groups said their fact-finding team had also visited the Moreh relief camp, where it found that nearly 500 villagers who had been able to sneak back from Burma were taking shelter. The report charged that about 40 UNLF cadres had “escorted” the 400 villagers, including women and children, to Lallim Namunta, in Burma. Along the way, the group was said to have been accosted by the Myanmar Army, but to have been released following an agreement.

The UNLF categorically denied the allegations. In a public refutation, it accused the ethnic NGOs – namely the Kuki Students’ Organisation, the Hill Tribal Council and others – of being used by Indian intelligence agencies as anti-UNLF propaganda tools. At the time of going to press, the controversy continues, with all sides sticking to their stories. The Manipur police’s stance is currently unequivocal: no Kuki villagers were abducted.

Despite the outcry from the Kuki NGOs, the governments of both India and Burma are maintaining a silence. Meanwhile, whatever the truth about what happened to the villagers, one thing is clear: peace continues to elude these Manipur borderlands. The people here remain victims to countless ‘misunderstandings’ amidst the ongoing battle.

Memorandum Submitted to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by the Manipur Kuki Tribes recognition Demand Committee on April 28, 1987

On April 28, 1987, the Kuki Tribes recognition Demand Committee, Manipur, submitted a memorandum to the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi for inclusion of the Kuki Tribes in the Indian Constitution’s list of Scheduled Tribes by an Act of Parliament. Presented below is the text of the memorandum:
Memorandum Submitted to Shri Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of India by the Manipur Kuki Tribes recognition Demand Committee on April 28, 1987
Hon’ble Sir
The Manipur Kuki Tribes Recognition demand Committee deemed it to be a golden privilege to submit this Memorandum to your good office while your Government is revising the lists of Scheduled Tribes in the country.
Historically, Kukis are one of the two major tribes of Manipur; contributing many valuable lives for the cause of our country from the foreign yoke during the 1917-1919 against the British rule in Manipur now known as KUKI REBELION.
The Kukis further fought and extended their utmost possible help during the II World war against the British regime in the country by joining the Indian National Army. In recognition and token of which more than one hundred Kukis are awarded freedom Fighters Pension. The recorded history of Assam Regiment and Assam Rifles which are the evidences of the services rendered by the Kukis may also kindly be referred to and recalled.
At present there are six notable organisations of the Kukis viz., the Kuki War Memorial Committee, the Kuki National Assembly (a recognised Regional political party), the Kuki Bapist Convention, the Kuki Christian Association, the Kuki Christian Church and the Kuki Students Organisation which stand for the Kuki community with a population of nearly one and half lakh though the Tribal Bench Mark survey 1983 recorded Kukis population at 85,000 approximately.
Since the deletion of Kuki Tribes in the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order 1956 in respect of the state of Manipur in modification of Scheduled tribes order 195`1, no Kuki had been allowed to contest the lone Lok Sabha seat in Manipur, the 19 Assembly scheduled Tribes seats and the District Council seats in Manipur reserves for the said Scheduled Tribe candidates.
The Kuki leaders submitted several representations and Memorandums to the State Government and Union Government from time to time urging for the inclusion of Kukis in the Constitution of scheduled Tribes lists but the representations and Memorandums were paid a deaf ear till date.
That Mr Rishang Keishing, Chief Minister, Manipur has informed the house on 11-03-1987 in his written reply statement to Starred Question No. 1188 asked by Shri O, Joy Singh, MLA, stated that the Kukis were not a recognised Scheduled Tribe in Manipur and also that there were no vacancies for them, but Scheduled Tribes/Scheduled Castes candidates might compete any general seats and ignored several memoranda submitted to his good office. He further stated that there was no proposal to recommend Kukis for inclusion in the list of Scheduled Tribes.
In fact, No Kuki student from Manipur are admitted against any reserved seats in Medical and Engineering Colleges so far in any Indian University/Institution.
No Kuki Student has been granted Scholarship from Manipur.
No Kuki candidates are considered against any post and services of vacancies reserved for the Tribals of Manipur while the entire Kuki population is included in the fixation of reservetion of seats for Scheduled Tribes to the total Manipur population, which we never enjoyed.
No Kuki is benefited from the Directorate for Development of tribals & Backwards Classes, Government of Manipur though the entire Kuki population is included in their Plan and Budgets.
Kukis are included in the Constitution of Scheduled Tribes Lists orders for the States of :—

(1) Nagaland
Annexure –A
(2) Assam
Annexure –B
(3) Meghalaya
Annexure –C
(4) Mizoram
Annexure –D
(5) Tripura
Annexure –E

The Kuki Tribes are included in the above States under the heading of "Any Kuki Tribes including" which meets the purpose and demands of the community in the concerned states.
The Constitution Scheduled tribes List Modification Order 1956 (Manipur) does not include the Kuki tribes name at all but some of the Kuki sub-tribes are recognised as separate Tribes such as (1) Amol (2) Chiru (3) Chothe (4) Gangte (5) Hmar (6) Kom (7) Paite (8) Purum (9) Ralte (10) Simte (11) Sukte (12) Thadon (13) Vaiphei and (14) Zou by lenving some other Kuki sub-tribes such as (1) Baite (2) Biate/Biete (3) Chongloi (4) Doungel (5) Guite (6) Hangshing (7) Haokip (8) Khongsai (9) Kipgen (10) Manlun-Manchong (11) Mate (12) Milnem (13) Neihchiel (14) Tiddim Chin (15) Touthang (16) Tungdim.
Now, in the conclusion, the Manipur Kuki Tribes Recognition demand Committee urge to include the Kuki Tribes in the Constitution of scheduled Tribes lists by an Act of Parliament as we understand now under revision as follows under the common nomenclature of its ethnic groups of people as in the cases of neighbouring states cited in the above pares to meet the demands of the community and in the common pattern of neighbouring States:—

ANY KUKI TRIBES INCLUDING :—

1। Aimol 2. Baite 3. Biate/Biete 4. Chiru 5. Chothe 6. Chongloi 7. Doungel 8. Gangte 9. Guite 10. Hangshing 11. Haokip 12. Hmar 13. Khongsai 14. Kipgen 15. Kom 16. Maniun Mancheng 17. Mate 18. Milhem 19. Neihchiel 20. Parte 21. Purum 22. Ralte 23. Simte 24. Sukte 25. Tiddim Chin 26. Thadou 27. Touthang 28 Tungdim 29 vaiphei 30. Zou.

The Manipur Kuki Tribes Recognition of Demand Committee shall welcome your good service to the inclusion of the KUKIS in the Constitution of the Scheduled Tribes lists to end the 30 year old exploitation in the State of Manipur।

(HAOKHOTHANG BAITE)

President,Manipur Kuki TribesRecognition Demand

(YAMTHANG HAOKIP)

Secretary,Manipur Kuki TribesRecognition Demand

Copy to :—
1. Union Minister,Government of India, New Delhi
2. Union Minister of states,Government of India, New Delhi
3. Union Deputy Minister for welfare,Govt of India, New Delhi.
4. The Chairman, Welfare on SC/ST Commission,Government of India, New Delhi.
5. The Secretary (Tribal Development)Ministry of Home Affairs,Department of Tribal Development,Government of India, New Delhi.
6. The governor of Manipur,Raj Bhavan, Imphal
7. The Chief Minister Manipur, Imphal.
8. Cabinet Minister, Manipur, Imphal
9. The Minister of State (Tribal Development),Manipur, Imphal.
10. The Chief Secretary,Government of Manipur, Imphal.
11. The Secretary (Tribal Development),Government of Manipur, Imphal.

Annexure – A

The Constitution (Nagaland) Scheduled Tribes Order, 1970
[Minister of Law Notification No. G.S.R 1099, dated the 23rd July, 1970, Gazette of India, Extraordinary, 1970, Part II, Section 3 (i) page 641]
The Schedule
Naga
Kuki
Kachari
Mikir
Garo

Annexure – B
The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950
[Published in the Gazette of India Extraordinary No. 40, New Delhi, Wednesday, September 6, 1950 S.R.O 510]
The Schedule
Part – 1 Assam
1. In the autonomous districts :—
1. Chakma 2. Dimasa, Kachari 3. Garo 4. Hajong 5. Hmar 6. Khasi, Jaintia, Synteng, Pnar, War Bhoi, Lyngngam 7. Any Kuki Tribes, including :—
(i) Biate, Biete
(xx) Kuki
(ii) Changsen
(xxi) Lengthang
(iii) Chongloi
(xxii) Lhangum
(iv) Doungel
(xxiii) Lhoujem
(v) Gamslhou
(xxiv) Lhouvum
(vi) Gangte
(xxv) Lupheng
(vii) Guite
(xxvi) Mangjel
(viii) Hanneng
(xxvii) Misao
(ix) Haokip, Haupit
(xxviii) Riang
(x) Haolai
(xxviv) Sairhem
(xi) Hengna
(xxx) Seinam
(xii) Hongsungh
(xxxi) Singson
(xiii) Hranggkhwal, Rangkhol
(xxxii) Sithou
(xiv) Jongbe
(xxiii) Sukte
(xv) Khawchung
(xxxiv) Thado
(xvi) Khawathlang, Khothalong
(xxxv) Thangngeu
(xvii) Khelma
(xxxvi) Uibuh
(xviii) Kholhou
(xxxvii) Vaiphei
(xix) Kipgen

8। Lakher 9. Man (Tai Speaking) 10. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes 11. Mikir 12. Any Naga tribes 13. Pawi 14. Synteng.

Annexure – C
[Published in the Gazette of India Extraordinary No. 40, New Delhi, Wednesday, September 6, 1950, S.R.O. 510 lead with Act 81 of 1971 and Act 108 of 1976]
The Schedule
Part – XI Meghalaya
1. Chakma 2. Dimasa, Kachari 3. Garo 4. Hajong 5. Hmar 6. Khasi, Jaintia, Synteg, Pnar, War Bhoi, Lyngngam 7. Any Kuki Tribes, including :—
(i) Biate, Biete
(xx) Kuki
(ii) Changsen
(xxi) Lengthang
(iii) Chongloi
(xxii) Lhangum
(iv) Doungel
(xxiii) Lhoujem
(v) Gamslhou
(xxiv) Lhouvum
(vi) Gangte
(xxv) Lupheng
(vii) Guite
(xxvi) Mangjel
(viii) Hanneng
(xxvii) Misao
(ix) Haokip, Haupit
(xxviii) Riang
(x) Haolai
(xxviv) Sairhem
(xi) Hengna
(xxx) Seinam
(xii) Hongsungh
(xxxi) Singson
(xiii) Hranggkhwal, Rangkhol
(xxxii) Sithou
(xiv) Jongbe
(xxiii) Sukte
(xv) Khawchung
(xxxiv) Thado
(xvi) Khawathlang, Khothalong
(xxxv) Thangngeu
(xvii) Khelma
(xxxvi) Uibuh
(xviii) Kholhou
(xxxvii) Vaiphei
(xix) Kipgen

8। Lakher 9. Man (Tai Speaking) 10. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes 11. Mikir 12. Any Naga tribes 13. Pawi 14. Synteng.

Annexure – D
The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) (Union Territories) Order 1951 [Ministry of Law Notification No. C.O. 33, dated the 20th September, 1951, Gazette of India, Territory 1951, Part II, Section 3, Page 1198 G]
The Schedule
Part – II Mizoram
Throughout the Union Territory
1. Chakma 2. Dimasa, Kachari 3. Garo 4. Hajong 5. Hmar 6. Khasi, Jaintia, Synteg, Pnar, War Bhoi, Lyngngam 7. Any Kuki Tribes, including :—
(i) Biate, Biete
(xx) Kuki
(ii) Changsen
(xxi) Lengthang
(iii) Chongloi
(xxii) Lhangum
(iv) Doungel
(xxiii) Lhoujem
(v) Gamslhou
(xxiv) Lhouvum
(vi) Gangte
(xxv) Lupheng
(vii) Guite
(xxvi) Mangjel
(viii) Hanneng
(xxvii) Misao
(ix) Haokip, Haupit
(xxviii) Riang
(x) Haolai
(xxviv) Sairhem
(xi) Hengna
(xxx) Seinam
(xii) Hongsungh
(xxxi) Singson
(xiii) Hranggkhwal, Rangkhol
(xxxii) Sithou
(xiv) Jongbe
(xxiii) Sukte
(xv) Khawchung
(xxxiv) Thado
(xvi) Khawathlang, Khothalong
(xxxv) Thangngeu
(xvii) Khelma
(xxxvi) Uibuh
(xviii) Kholhou
(xxxvii) Vaiphei
(xix) Kipgen

8। Lakher 9. Man (Tai Speaking) 10. Any Mizo (Lushai) tribes 11. Mikir 12. Any Naga tribes 13. Pawi 14. Synteng.

Annexure – E
The Constitution (scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 [Published in the gazette of India Extraordinary No. 40, New Delhi, Wednesday, September 6, 1950, S.R.O. 510 read with Act 81 of 1971 and act 108 of 1976]
The Schedule
Part – XV Tripura
1. Bhil 2. Bhutia 3. Chaima 4. Chakma 5. Garoo 6. Halam 7. Jamatia 8. Khasia 9. Kuki, including the following sub-tribes
(i) Balte
(x) Laifang
(ii) Belalhut
(xi) Lentei
(iii) Chhalya
(xii) Mizel
(iv) Fun
(xiii) Namte
(v) Hajango
(xiv) Paitu, Paite
(vi) Jangtei
(xv) Rangchao
(vii) Khteng
(xvi) Rangkhole
(viii) Khephong
(xvii) Thangluya
(ix) Kuntei

10. Lepcha 11. Lushai 12. Mag 13. Munda, Kaur 14. Noatia 15. Orang 16. Riang 17. Santal 18. Tripura, Tripuri, त्रिप्पेरा

Annexure – F

THE CONSTITUTION (SCHEDULED TRIBES)(PART C STATES) ORDER, 1951
The Schedule
Part VI – Manipur
Throughout the State
1. Any Kuki Tribe 2. Any Lushai Tribe 3. Any नागा

Annexure –G

The constitution Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes Lists (Modification) Order, 1956
Part X, - Manipur
1। Aimol 16. Mariang
2। Anal 17। Any Mizo (Lusbai) tribes
3। Angami 18. Monsang
4। Chiru 19. Mayon
5। Chothe 20. Paite
6। Gangte 21. Purum
7। Hmar 22. ralte
8। Kabui 23. Sema
9. Kacha-Naga 24. Simte
10। Koirao 25. Suhte
11। Koireng 26. Tangkhul
12। Kom 27. Thadou
13। Lamgang 28. Vaiphei
१४ 29। Zou
15. Maram

THE GREAT BRETRAYAL: BRIEF NOTES ON KUKI INSURGENCY MOVEMENT

By Donn Morgan Kipgen

The present day Mizo youths and scholars might have impressed upon themselves that the bloody insurgency movements led by the Mizo National Front (MNF)'s supremo Laldenga was strictly a Mizo national affairs. Even to this day, 10 years after the shocking signing of Mizo Accord 1986, most people have fallible impression that the MNF was a Mizo-speaking UG militant outfit of the then Union Territory of Mizoram. However, nothing can be farther from the unquestionable truth. That spectacular armed insurgency movement had really been a joint Chin-Kuki-Mizo (CHIKIMS) affair encompassing the territories of Manipur, Assam, Tripura and border areas of Burma.

The primary tactical objective was an integration of all CHKIMS inhabited areas in the form of Greater Mizoram. Unfortunately that all important objective was inexplicably left out on the historic days of reckoning. To say that the Mizo Accord of 1986 was a socio-political sold out would be an understatement in the history of the CHIKIMS. It was a down-right betrayal literally to the non-Mizo CHIKIMS' nations who sacrificed their lives, limps and resources for the promised all Christian autonomous homeland designated promisingly as Greater Mizoram with special constitutional status like the Jammu and Kashmir (under Art 372). Sadly, that was not to be when the MNF and the Government of India's (GOI) started and then swiftly drafted the peace agreement in 1986. Amidst the joyous celebration in Mizoram, something very important had been completely forgotten, the seeds of which have now flowered with blood and tears in Manipur and Assam. In what ought to be their finest hours of their lives, there was neither warm welcoming nor a glorious heroes' homecoming for the veteran Thadou-Kuki, Hmar and other Zomi cadres of MNF especially in southern Manipur.
The pompous promise of Greater Mizoram was simply crossed-out with one brazen stroke of a pen. It turned out shockingly to be just a new State of Mizoram for the Mizo speaking MNF. However, the 'abandoned' MNF commanders like Demkhoseh Gangte, the old veteran hearts refused to blow out the simmering candle light of hope.
The day of reckoning for the Kukis did come not too long when Nehlun Kipgen raised the Kuki National Front (KNF) on the 18th of May, 1988 at Molnoi village of Burma, whereas his revolutionary partner Thongkholun Haokip took hold of the Kuki National Army (KNA) due to ideological and geo-political differences.

Unfortunately, at present, the Kuki militants are steadily going just a little out of line and they certainly are not doing complete justice to dreams of the two heroic late leaders and the hopes of the veteran hearts. Actually, the CHIKIMS militant outfits are indirectly doing a favor to the armed forces by infighting and wasting their military resources. But as Napolean Bonaparte said, 'nothing is impossible', for 'victory belongs to most persevering'.
The rise of Kuki insurgency movement is similar to that of the present Naga insurgency movements: a painful betrayer by big brothers at the gates of triumph. The Naga insurgency movement in 1960s was the bloodiest in North-East insurgency history. Even in Manipur, the army used light tanks, mountain guns, rocket-mortars and heavy machine guns in face to face stand off. Under such might power facing them, to call the costly sacrifices of the Naga militants a 'reckless bravery' would be a fitting compliment.

Like that of the Nagas, the armed forces personnel gave a professional respect to the deadly audacious jungle warfare expertise of the MNF cadres. It was always a bloody one to one encounters, there was no holding back. In comparison with those events, today's insurgency movements in Manipur are a tame hide and seek game. No wonder the Nagas of Manipur and Burma felt completely betrayed by the Shillong Accord of 1976 signed by the NNC and GOI which left them in socio-political wilderness like the Kukis aftermath the 1986 Mizo Accord. The Shillong Accord led to the formation of the NSCN under Th Muivah and SS Khaplang, who hails from Burma. The betrayal of the Thadous (Kukis), Hmars and Zomis by Pu Laldenga's MNF has now raised the KNF, KNA, HPC, ZRA, etc strictly on linguistic line; worse still, it led to open sense of distrust amongst the CHIKIMS. Yes, the Government of Mizoram ruled by MNF might have given other CHIKIMS moral supports all around at present, but the unreasonable damage had been done and the dream of unification had already been ambushed when it mattered most. Even at this very period, there is no love lost between various Kuki UG outfits and almost all of them are definitely not on the best of terms judging by the direction of the barrels of their weapons they point when they are in close proximity. It is all about ideological differences fine tuned by petty politics. The KNF was formed to carve out an autonomous Kukiland under the Constitution of India whereas the KNA has been fighting for an independent 'Zalengam' which would include all Kuki inhabited areas of Burma too. At the beginning it was just a geo-political difference but now its socio-political factor which is not very promising for the CHIKIMS.

The most unfortunate movements of the KNF and KNA came in a most shocking manner when KNA leader Thongkholun was assassinated under mysterious circumstance whereas the killing of T James Kuki led to the formation of KNF (MC). The bond between the two potent Kuki UG outfits turned sour after the Kuki-Naga conflict. The Kuki Defense Force was absorbed by both the KNF and KNA in area-wise process. The image of Kuki insurgency movement have been tarnished repeatedly aftermath 'peace agreement' when many armed youths turned renegades just like the post-civil war of America when southern Confederate army and militiamen resorted to lootings, wanton killings, etc. Because of the chaotic reorganization and lack of leadership quality, Kuki factional and new UG outfits were formed as fast as the raising of Manipur's IRB battalions and commando units. The Kuki Liberation Army (KLA) was quietly raised by Pu H. Letkholun to fill up the gaps and holes left unattended by other powerful Kuki UG outfits in late 1990s. Though the present day stand of the KLA may be very promising and encouraging its image is understandably associated with kidnapping for ransoms with astounding price rate. May be the KLA have been trying to arm itself with costly foreign arms and equipment before they go on full throttle to 'liberate' the CHIKIMS.For the KLA leaders, they need to make sure that all the means should meet the ends. Then came the UKLF with a bang but now are keeping a very low profile. At the same time, the discontent brewing hot within the KNF (MC) finally boiled over when a large number of its cadres in Sadar Hills area broke away to form the Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA). There had been repeated allegations that the UKLF and the KRA had been helped reportedly by the Naga UG militants which was denied vehemently by both the outfits officially.

Now, almost all the CHIKIMS UG outfits are on peace terms with the Central Government with a temporary cease fire agreement. However, the rattle and blast of weapons still echo all around despite the official stand down on armed activities. Nobody can predict the real outcome of this suspension of operations and regular peace talks but one can be self assured that nothing concrete for the much victimized CHIKIMS is smiling on the horizon. It's just a beginning, but everything starts with a beginning, including life on planet earth. It remains to be seen whether CHIKIMS UG leaders have the acumen, courage, vision and the expertise to secure something very encouraging and profitable socio-politically. God alone knows but then God only helps those who help themselves.

(Courtesy: The Sangai Express)

THE GREAT KUKI REBELLION

The Great Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919 was a defining event not only for the Kukis but for all Manipuris as well. It was the finest hours of the Kuki nation, because of the very fact that the military juggernaut of the mighty British Empire was kept at bay for full two years by bands of Kuki warriors. The British troops were ambushed, harassed, picked off, booby-trapped, and tormented at will by the tenacious Kukis in the hill areas like Apache or Sioux Indians.
The image of the British Raj and her much vaunted army was shattered. For all the Manipuris, the debacle at Khongjom was more than avenged. The British then realised that they could be defeated as well. The realm was up in arms, for they then realised that they lurked a tribe of sturdy, resilient and martial race called the Kukis in the foothills of lower Himalayas.

The British threw in all their resources for a quick subjugation of an ill-equipped hillsmen but it took a full two year with the greatest of difficulties logistically imaginable to finally bring an end to a rebellion of a great significance unheard of since the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. The British claimed a military victory, which actually should be more of political and administrative victory with the brute military showmanship.
Even if it was recorded by the British (military) historians as a full military victory, (remember, history is written by the victors), it certainly was a pyrrhic victory. In short, the Britishers' gains (with their heavy losses) did not justify the means for the crown. The heavy price paid by the crown was best recorded in 'The History of Assam Rifles' by the then DIGAR, WJ Shakespeare (not the one from Avon, nor related) who himself was directly involved in the overall military operations, thus: "It (the Kuki Rebellion) therefore grew into the largest series of military operations conducted on this side of India since the old (full-scale) Expeditionary days Generals Penn Symonds and Tregear in the late (eighteen) eighties, or the futile Abor Expedition of the 1911-12, eclipsing them all in casualties and arduousness of active service".

Nothing could be truer than this description. However, what Col. Shakespeare failed to mention was the very fact that the Great Kuki Rebellion of 1917-19 was the longest, largest, costliest military operation in the whole of India since the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. It was also an absolute logistical nightmares for field commanders and inexperienced officers; that was exactly why 2000 fully armed soldiers, later on reinforced by over 5000 soldiers including Burma military armed police, took two full years, which was an eternity for the mighty Britishers vis-a-vis the size and status of the enemy, to subdue about 2000 Kuki militiamen with just about 1500 one-shot muskets and a 100 or so mountain guns but without adequate gunpowder and extra parts.

The sights of tenacious Kuki warriors picking out targets and stealth ambushes and resorting to scorch earth tactics would have been a demoralizing reminiscence of the Napoleon's Grand Armee' harassed and tormented by the Russians to the field observers in the first part of the rebellion. It was first armed jungle 'Guerrilla Warfare' faced and experienced by the British army in British India, a modern day equivalent of the Shivaji's Marathas and the Spanish rebels (which the great all-conquering Napoleon dubbed 'his Spanish Ulcer'). The Kuki warriors were undoubtedly the Crown's ulcers, which remained unremedied for two years during the height of her glorious days.
The skirmishes were sharp and bloody. For young British officers, even field commanders, it was baptism by fire, a real live battle inoculation and an agonizingly unforgettable experience, which put them in good stead 20 years hence. The hard-earned lessons learned by those young officers and infantrymen barely out of their teens who eventually experienced the perils and miseries not taught, nor even acknowledged at the Sandhurst, nor instructed even at the West point for that matter, were nearly forgotten over the decades of peace.

The ingenious and most enterprising military tactics and finer points of guerrilla warfare learned from the resilient Kuki warriors over two years period and successfully improvised by the British field officers and operational commanders was finally put to maximum use after the Burma Retreat (1942) whey they, and the Americans too, were routed and overran by the Japanese Imperial Army in South East Asia in just too months period. The junior young officers and all ranks who suffered tactical setbacks at the hands of the Kuki militiamen during the height of the Great Kuki Rebellion and who also learned the 'art' of maximizing the most minimum resources perfected so successfully by the Kuki provisional army in so many stunning occasions were the senior field officer and operational commanders in mainland Europe and North Africa.

Desperate situation calls for desperate measures. Veterans of the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-19 were summoned by Lord Archibald Wavel along will the legendary Brig. Wingate (later on Maj Gen Orde Wingate of Burma fame) to train British (chindits) and Americans officers (Kachin Rangers) in the jungles of Assam and Manipur hills, especially the war operational areas of the Kuki Rebellion, to confront the much lesser forces of the jungle warfare experts Japanese Imperial Army on their own ground and in their own chosen conditions. The chindits and the American Kachin Rangers successfully tormented and demoralized the much larger Japanese ground forces in small numbers of not more than 30-35 specially trained real commandos. Like the small band (15-20) Kuki warriors who were excellent shots, the chindits and the American Rangers knew that the less the number, the lesser the targets (from enemies), the swifter the tactical retreats, the more the operations and the more the division of resources. The Kukis had always attacked in small numbers with stunning outputs, spreading their warriors to greater logistical field of operations, thereby totally confusing the war office at home as to the real number of the Kuki militiamen, and therein successfully stretching the limited resources and manpower.

The Kukis rebels would snared unwary British columns into a narrow pass or battle-field in the hilly areas and cut loose the netted big stones and boulders along the slope, thereby surprising them with deadly enterprising tactics, and then also cutting off the only small route for a retreat and reinforcement(s) from the British command Hqtrs. After pinning down the army column with death and injuries all around, the Kuki rebels peppered them with a remarkably well-directed volleys of incessant gunshots. On other occasions, the unwary British columns were most often than not 'welcomed' with home-made canons, mountain guns, with full of shrapnel. Therefore, a Kuki musket section would picked them off methodically from vantage positions with maximum 'returns', these Kuki warriors were arguably the first regular snipers in the history of Manipur.

The factual historical unrecorded fact pertaining to the early successes of the Kukis were due to the very fact that unlike the British troops, the Kuki marksmen never wasted even an ounce of gun power and bullets. One of the two most remarkable military tactics was that the Kuki rebels would always picked off/target the British and Indian officers and they preferred to cause serious injuries to the enemies so as to demoralize leaderless troops who invariably would remained confused and undecided. And then to seriously wound the infantrymen with another two less ready combat soldiers, for an injured needed to be tended and carried around. A dead soldier can be left behind buried but an injured cannot be abandoned. Moreover, the more the wounded or injured the slower the peace of their movement.

The idea was that if you killed 20 soldiers out of 50, the rest 30 would come running down one's neck but to injured even 10 soldiers would mean only 10 men could ran after the ambushers. Another deviously successful tactic, which was put to good use by the American Kachin Rangers during WW (II), was to put sharpened stakes planted under cover on either side of the road or jungle route, so when the Kuki rebels sent volleys of shots at the British troops, the soldier would automatically dive on either side of the road (nullah), with indescribable effects. Because of this, the Kukis were the only nation, which was defeated outrightly in open battlefield militarily by the great British Empire. All the Kuki leaders/commanders were treacherously invited to capitulate with a promised general amnesty, with a dire threat that all Kuki men, women and children and their settlements would be destroyed mercilessly. However, they were all tried as war criminals and ruthlessly sentenced to long years of rigorous imprisonment.

The war was brought to an end on 20th May, 1919, the losses received by the British army were:-
Killed in Action Wounded in Action
British officer 02 05

Indian officer 02 02

British sepoys 30 100

Indian sepoys 34 47


The total number of those British soldiers who died due to wounds, injuries and other diseases were officially recorded as 477. Though Though the Britishers won the war, the Kuki nation, with its sheer courage, tenacity and resilient, could and did claim full moral victory. In this great Kuki Rebellion of 1917-19, honours were even. The Kukis were subdued during and in their finest moment in history.

KUKI LEBENSRAUM

Today, the kuki are hardly remembered as the same people who had played prominent roles at various juncture of history. They are the people whose past had been a story of warlords, Chieftains, heroic struggles and sacrifice. They are perhaps denied the place they deserve in the history, particularly of the recent past.
Perverted minds have projected the Kukis as a people with no significant history. This is utter nonsense, and rather a manipulation of historical facts. The Kukis should be given a fair deal before such distortion of history crosses the limit. There is hardly any serious acknowledgement of the existence of kuki living space or lebensraum. This might be owing to lack of information or lack of enthusiasm on the part of academics and others concerned.

Kuki lebensraum is the 'land of freedom', a land where one can freely move about. The linguistic survey of India, Vol. III, part III, by G.A. Grierson, published in 1904 by government of India, provides a general idea of the geographical spread of kukis' living space. An excerpt is reproduced as follows:
"Territory inhabited by the kuki tribes extends from the Naga Hills in the North down into the Sandoway district of Burma in the south; from the Myattha River in the east, almost to the Bay of Bengal in the west."
Who are the Kukis?
The tribes Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Chongloi, Chothe, Hangsing, Doungel, Gangte, Guite, Haokip, Hmar, Kipgen, Kom, Lhungdim, Lamkang, Lunkim, Changsan, Lenthang, Thangeo, Kolhen, Lhangum, Lhanghal, Milhem, Maring, Mate, Mozo-Monshang, Paite, Sitlhon, Lhouvum and Singsit, Simte, Baite Tarao, Touthang, Vaphei, Zou etc., may loosely be put under one egalitarian ethnic entity called Kukis.

However, some of these tribes mentioned above have been assimilated into Naga. This is because of a fear psychosis perpetrated by the bloody ethnic cleansing carried out by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM). However, they are racking back their genealogy to define themselves as Kuki or Naga.
Freedom and Sovereignty was what Kukis possessed in their land. Their territory stretch from the Chindwin River in the east, the Naga Hills in the north, North Cachar Hills in the west and the Chittagong hill tracts in the south. Until about a century ago these hills were not largely populated. The Kukis reigned supreme over these hills and moved about freely as an eagle in flight.

The erstwhile kuki lebensraum, as indicated earlier, still remains identifiable. By signing the treaty of 1834, the British handed over a huge part of it to Burma (Myanmar), only in order to appease the Burmese king. The kukis resisted the British advance into the Chittagong hills and lower Assam during 1840s to 1860s. But they could not withstand the colonial might and were pushed into the eastern interiors. Nevertheless, every now and then the kukis continued to menace the British imperialistic designs. Therefore, the British instituted a boundary commission to weaken kuki, and so ignoring their living space, demarcation between Manipur (India) and Burma came into effect in 1898. By this demarcation the kukis were put under two separate administrations and their territory was dismembered.

During First World War, the Kukis started rising with a new vigour against the British, whish lasted for here years (1917-1919). This time, too, the kukis could not do any substantial damage to the mighty British Empire. They suffered untold miseries and vigorous repression at the hands of the British. Then, in the early 1940's, hundreds of kukis joined the Indian army(I) and fought the British, yet again. More than one hundred and fifty ina pensioners are still alive.
Both India and Burma were given political emancipation in 1947. Even then the same political dispensation of the British raj continued. Administrative arrangements of the previous colonial regime became the edifice upon which the new orders were built. The boundary lines of the new nations and their states fragmented the entire kuki lebensraum. This is a tragic reality. To make matters worse a series of ill conceived, half-hearted, myopic, legislations and policies made things worse for the kukis, both in India and Myanmar.

The state law and order restoration committee (SLORC) of Myanmar have been exacting forced labour from the kukis in the Kabow Valley. Many kukis have been dispossessed of their land by the Myanmar army; for instance, waksu village was completely wiped out in 1992. In 1967, the government of the revolutionary council, headed by Ne-Win, severely punished 20,000 kukis in the 'Khadawmi operation'. This operation, which was led by U Muangi, was carried out under the pretext that these kukis were holding bogus national registration and family registration cards.
Consequently, many kukis were forced to leave Burma even though they were natives of the country. In the beginning of 1993, Nung Kam , a kuki village was burnt and bulldozed, and in its place, 'Saya San Ywo', a new military settlement was set up. The ostensible reason for this was that kukis refused to convert to Buddhism. The kuki students' democratic front, Burma, has been highlighting these human rights violations committed by SLORC. All these incidents of harassment and discrimination by the Myanmar military regime have been a matter of great concern.

In the recent past the Kukis entered a most gloomy phase when the NSCN-IM started its ethnic cleansing campaign against them, particularly in the hills of Manipur. This process of ethnic cleansing, which began in 1992, wiped out hundreds of Kuki villages and eliminated over a thousand innocent Kukis. The victims included prominent Kuki Chiefs, leaders and educated youths. This was perhaps done as a strategy to instill a kind of fear psychosis in the minds of all the Kukis.
The NSCN-IM also extracted land tax from the Kukis, even though they had inhabited the land since time immemorial. One can easily verify this truth from the folk tales and legends of the Meiteis, Mizos, Awas (Burmese), Tripuris and Ahoms (Assamese).
Discontentment, sufferings and frustration led the Kukis to resort to armed resistance. But, they are a people who really love to live in peace and dignity. They believe in communal harmony whether it is in the Indian states of Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, Tripura, Mizoram or in Myanmar (Burma).

Kukis armed insurgency movement is the result of cummulative effect of Naga insurgency coupled with its integration movement in North-East. Issues on Naga's territorial integration has created a serious problem in Kukis integrity in north-East. Now, kukis are tracing back their geneology with the help of Culture, Folk-tales etc. They can't forget age old Naga- Kuki clashes and ethnic cleansing. Any attempt to pamper Nagas at the cost of Kuki's interest will not be tolerated and may lead only to violent uprising. Home Ministry should put up the Kuki's problem on the table before Centre and NSCN(IM) peace talk. Only then, Centre can regain the gradually losing faith of peace loving Kukis.

In Conckusion:
Kuki identity should be protected,
Kuki dignity should be maintained
Kuki socio-politico-economic rights should be safeguared
Kukitradition and culture should be respected,and above all Kuki Lebensraum must be recognized.Then, and only then, will the Kukis be able to live in peace and dignity in their Lebensraum, i.e. between Chindwin(Myanmar) and Brahmputra (India).