Thangboi Haokip *
It is high time that the Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM) initiate concerted efforts towards solving insurgency problems among the Kukis socially when faced with various problems- unemployment, economic poverty of a high magnitude, acute identity crisis resulting from the disintegrated nomenclature and law and order problems arising out of insecurity of life and property.
It is not the Kukis alone that encounter such unpredictable future. Yet the type of issues confronting them surpasses other issues being confronted by other communities of NE India - say - Bodos, Nagas, Meitei, Mizos and others.
The so called Kukis, which once occupied an envious place in NE India during the British period because of their rich social and cultural heritage which enable them to confront the mighty British Empire for 2 years (1917 - 1919 ) - encountered a threat to their identity - when the Scheduled Tribe modification Act, 1956 was enacted by Government of India.
The Kuki polity has been characterised by good governance by the chief and his cabinet members from time immemorial. Within specific geographic boundaries demarcated by the British, the Chiefs administered the villagers - maintaining food security by means of allotting them lands to all families based on family strength.
Social usages, conventions and cultural systems were such that each village used to live a dignified social system. Orphans, Widows and unfortunates and the sojourners who take shelter were taken care of in a dignified manner as guaranteed by the social convention system enshrined the rich Kuki Cultural system. Hence, the unwritten code of conduct or constitution was such a beautiful foundation that shelters all - rich and poor alike.
Such acts of governing a village rest with the village chief and his cabinet team. The system is said to have elicited appreciation of the then British administration. The fact that the Kukis rose in one mind to fight the British Empire for 2 full years because of forced labour imposed on them by the later is simply a testimony to that connotation.
Because of certain factors like - occupying a specific portion of land in their neighbourhood - their brethrens - like the Meities, Nagas, Mizos, Khasis and Bodos all have the blessings of the Government of India in the form of autonomous administrative structures. Unlike others the Kukis scattered in various pockets of NE India. In Tripura they are still snoring.
In Assam the much hyped Regional Kuki Council could not fetch them any tangible result on the ground that the population was less than 50,000 inspite of the administrative protection they so deserve given the ethnic carnage unleashed on them from time to time.
The degree of hardship the Kukis suffered in Nagaland in the backdrop of UNC’s ethnic cleansing campaign of 1992-93 which led to the killing of 114/89 civilian and exit of a sizable population to other States shows the naked truth that the Kukis are indeed unprotected.
Whether any worthwhile rehabilitation programmes were under taken on behalf of the 325 villagers uprooted in Manipur and nearly 1000 souls being killed in Manipur and Nagaland by Government - State or Central is altogether another story. How the Kukis suffered harassment and exploitation under the hand of Burma’s military junta is another sordid chapter in degradation of humanity in the present generation.
Adopting a correct part by all concerned: One tribe of Israel was reduced to utter minority due to internecine war - in which some 30,000 Benzamites were killed leaving a survival of just 700 souls. The other 10 tribes who committed the affliction repented and took up strategic plans to rebuild the weakened Benzamites.
Conflict is a must in human society. No civilization can put to a stop this human madness. Even committed Christians can sometimes commit great blunders. Because all are sinners by birth. The weakened Benzamites condition sent a shockwave to their surroundings. In one heart their restoration was sought by all concerned.
On a similar vein the pitiable condition in which we find this particular community - the Kukis - deserve a special help from all concerned. Looking at their pitiable condition - their present situation demands an urgent response.
To mention some issues
(a) Ignorance of a high magnitude coupled with vast illiteracy,
(b) The desire to live in small villages with intense poverty,
(c) Inability to come together for any project that can bring mutual benefit to the community at large,
(d) Unemployment problem of a high degree owing to sudden disappearance of forest area (Thurn area).
To love instinct: It is true that man is a social animal. Yet man is superior to other animals because man cannot survive in isolation. Even a community or one nation cannot survive alone. India boast about its thriving democratic institution, being world No.1 USA surpass other nations in its military strength.
Yet both India and USA need other nations because they cannot meet all their internal demands. People living in NE India, being in one geographical region our dependence on one another is something no sensible person would like to refute. Man’s interdependence has been an aged old practice.
To survive as a respectable citizens of India the need for self evaluation seems all the more important for all the mongoloid people of NE India in particular. The population of Nagaland and Manipur put together is 43,77,270 as per 2001 census and that is smaller than the population of one district name Medinipur of West Bengal - i.e. 69,19,689.
In democratic country population counts. Even the best statement to represent us 1/2 MP in no way can influence the Lok Sabha with its 550 members. .
The importance of having proper network to safeguard the interest of the minority ethnic people group is never to be forgotten. Lending of helping hand to give constitutional protection to the hitherto neglected and weakened Kukis by all community leaders who matter in policy making for NEI region - is a need of the hour.
Such positive steps, if taken up, would definitely fetch the Kuki population to a higher socio-economic level where they can afford to maintain a peaceful co-existence with their other Meiteis and Nagas brethren in the near future.
The strained relationship between the Kukis and Karbis in Karbi Anglong can also be reversed. Such positive changes in the political climate can even cast an impact in the weary minds of Kukis living in Burma, Chittagong Hill tracks- as well.
For the convenience of thinkers and planners - national, regional and at local level, I would share a few goals and action plans to pursue on priority basis.
1. To ensure that some tangible objectives/ goals are undertaken to enable KIM to pursue:
(a) Goals, objectives for further security and welfare of the Kukis with proper action plans in a timebound manner;
(b) to bring about a settlement among the Kuki UGs and to pave the way for political dialogue with State and Central Government with clear cut demands - in consultation with revolutionary agents.
(c) To lobby with all stake holder the need for supporting the same under the Constitution of India.
2. Plans and ancillary to the attainment of such welfare project to one particular group - the Kukis include:-
(a) They can live normal and peaceful co-existence with other communities as and when they feel secure economically.
All human races had the same progenitor is an irrefutable fact. The Bible traces to Adam as the progenitor of human race. With the passage of time the multiplication of human being tracing of one’s origin and relationship or family line have become an increasingly difficult task. Yet looking at the physical features an outsider find it difficult to differentiate between the Nagas, Kuki and Meities.
Besides their similar physical structures, the anatomic vocabularies of the people groups - Kuki, Naga and Meitei, seem to suggest same origin - because of having identical and same vocabulary. Such closeness of Kuki, Meitei, Naga linguistically is another proof of their having same origin not long ago.
Inspite of all these closeness each entity having been adopted and influenced by various cultural and belief systems with passage of time, constitutional protection of each group would be the best guarantee to maintain peaceful co-existence in the long run.
This is necessary because - The Kukis - who are by far weak and frail in almost all conceivable spheres of life - need constitutional protection. It could be in the form of Sixth Schedule, Territorial Council or a Regional Council. To be more precise - Sadar Hills, Chura- chandpur, Chandel and parts of Tamenglong and Ukhrul- can form the proposed Kuki Council.
Why this constitutional Protection for Self Administration is needed?
The performance of Kukis - in various fields lack behind. The Kukis are trailing far behind their two younger brethren - the Nagas and Meitei in various fields. They are not as good as their Naga brethren in organising themselves for a common cause.
They are not as good as their Meitei brethren in trade and commerce. They are numerically smaller than the other two. Yet as a people with unique customs and habits, they need space for breathing ground.
The Kukis, like a chicken that need protection against being trampled by the elephant with whom it (chicken) shared the dancing space for her to enjoy her right to dancing, also need constitutional protection in the form of separate administrative unit under the Indian Constitution.
It could be in the form of the Kuki Regional Council through special enactment of the Indian Parliament. This would only ensure stability and peaceful co-existence am-ong the three communities - Kuki, Naga and Meitei.
View in support of the above hypothesis, can briefly be summed up as follows. The Meiteis, be cause of their advancement in various fields, inspite of their apparent closeness to the Nagas and the Kukis, were categorized in the general list separately whereas the ot-her two were in the Scheduled List as Tribals.
Perhaps, their conversion to Hinduism may have contributed a lot in creating a wider chasm between valley and hill brethren. The Meitei with almost 2 million population - occupying the most fertile portion of the State, by virtue of their envious position are expected to lead the region in development race of the subcontinent.
The Nagas, they already enjoy constitutional protection in the form of one full fledged State, are under no threat. Whereas the Kukis, whether good or bad, weak or strong, being a weaken nation they need a sort of Constitutional protection under the Indian Constitution. This kind of political solution can create a conducive atmosphere for the region’s march towards peaceful co-existence and then towards progress and development.
We need to correct our perspective and concepts: Pointing fingers at others is not helpful. Lets stop blaming New Delhi for the ills inflicting our society. When people who have been sharing joyful and sad moments together for centuries are hurting each other, those who slumber in a luxurious living 2000 miles away from NE India - cannot be held responsible for the happenings in our soil/area. Recalling some incidents can prove the point.
The Mizo leadership committed a political blunder when they accepted merger of the Gangte Tribe - on insistence of GPC at the backdrop of the ethnic crisis that engulfed Chu-rachandpur sometime ago. Many Kukis sweated and even lost their precious souls in the Mizo movement, spearheaded by Late Pu Laldenga.
Instead of using the privileges they enjoy now activities initiated for further weakening of the Kuki polity will go down in the annals of political struggle of the Endangered Kukis. For Kukis, Mizo and Kuki are two different words describing the same group of people.
As guaranteed in the Constitution of India, each people group, big or small need protection to preserve their language, literature, culture etc. Imposing and exalting one language at the expense of another language and culture is one dirty act of colonization.
The Mizo leadership should read history and take time for introspection and retreat from such ill conceived steps. Some Gangte families display Mizo symbol on their doorstep only belittle the Mizo population.
If the Kuki Inpi Manipur hadn’t acted on time to respond on the issue, it could be because of the multifaceted socio-economic and political problems confronted at that point of time.
The act of merger was an act of insult to the Kuki politics. Being part and parcel of the Kuki society such act of betrayal at the behest of Mizo leadership is adding of salt to the wound.
Indeed the circumstances surrounding Kuki Polity- those day- consisting of internal squabbles leading to internecine killing, uncontrolled gun culture along with extortion of money without limit, that too at an individual’s will, and at gun point, total absence of a body or a person to which you can ventilate your grievances was so much unfavourable.
Indiscriminate planting of landmines to cause certain deaths to the local population and forceful occupation of their ancestral land by the valley based militants, are acts of naked aggression against their hill brethren. The Meitei society, in general would have not even conceived the type of harassment inflicted on Innocent Kukis.
Yet it happened, SPF Govt too remained silent spectator. Such trends if allowed to continue, for another decade, awakening could take place in among the Kuki militants and possible arm confrontation is inevitable in the long run. Civil casualty and breakdown of rural/tribal economy could be too much for reconstruction.
To create a better future (NEI) what role should be played by whom, when, where and how?
The thoughts of man are evil continually. Violation of one’s rights can be checked by means of one statutory law enacted and enforced on behalf of the people by village chief or the law makers, etc. The reflection on the present state of socio-political climate of the State also deserve proper analysis and response.
KIM need to ensure that it position itself secure enough to handle the fluid political condition of Manipur in consultation with elders, thinkers, RO’s State and Central Government - viewing total welfare of the people of Manipur in particular by means of one constitutional protection - administrative councillor Kuki Regional Council- comprising of Churachandpur, Sadar Hills, Chandel and parts of UkhruI and Tamenglong.
This would mean formation of a committee to work on the modality, structure, boundary, Constitutional amendments and guidelines for demarcating boundaries.
People, who really wish well for the future generation need to think twice to work out one political solution with people’s mandate by forming one Regional Council for the disperse Kukis - acceptable to Nagas, Meiteis and Kukis.
The forum - comprising of various NGOs, ROs, Political parties should submit their review report of the charter of demand from the Kuki UGs for discussion, recommendation to New Delhi by State Cabinet Committee. All these at the initiative of Central Government.
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* Thangboi Haokip wrote this article for The Sangai Express . This article was webcasted on 12th December 2007
Dec 12, 2007
CONFLICTS IN MANIPUR:A PERSPECTIVE FRAMEWORK
Ngamkhohao Haokip *
"If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional rights, in any moral point of view, justify revolution..."
Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, 1861.
Conflict is not only any prolonged arm struggles against a sovereign political state but also the dichotomies of interest; opinion; philosophy; economic status; social status; political status; etc. produced on the minority by the majority. The circle of conflict will roll on until the minority fights back against the majority to maintain either the pre-conflict state or again ‘trick’ the masses for superiority in the number game.
In this way conflict is being perpetuated the way it is inherited from the earlier experiences till both lost the game and subsequently merged to form another type of majority called ‘Mono-rity’, a system where everyone has their voice in everything and shares both economic and political power and material things as the need arises. This is nothing but co-existence based on mutual understanding and mutual co-operation for socio-economic and political development for all.
The following are conceptual frameworks for further analysis by anyone concerned. In the discussion below it will be shown, how situations in Manipur are in the very stage of where minority fights against majority and another form of majority in the nature of ‘Monority’ is in the making.
1. Conflict over imperialism
The recorded history of kingship in Manipur started from 33 AD. After one millennium, eight centuries and more than fifty decades of continuous self-governance based on, we may say, a set traditional pattern, the British Paramountcy came into the country where every community was living in freedom until 1891, the reckoning year. A sudden upsurge was observed in both the political set-up and administration of the state. Unlike this socio-political surge, the magnitude of changes or whatever had happened before the said political upheaval has borne little on the social and political lives of the people.
Even if there were transformations, it was rather time factor barely involving evolutionary process in the absence of haste and hassle incurred in 1891 and thereafter. Had the unnecessary help of a third party i.e. the British not sought, things would have remained quite different from the present ugly experiences. This is history in itself wherefrom a lesson of such a grave mistake in the past should be learnt. The lives and mentality of the then subjects were so much affected so that it left behind a legacy indigestible and something hard to-gobble-up the state of affairs. This situation had had its manifestations in the form of political and social unrest, protests of varying degree, and different forms of freedom struggles.
In this regard, one can bring about different reasons that can be reckoned with the great intensity of many-sided dissatisfaction and unwarranted socio-political upheavals both among the tribes and in the plain country. Here are some such opinions. Firstly, before the tagged ‘reckoning year 1891’, the hill tribes were largely left undisturbed in matter of administration.
The influence of the Maharajas' governance was so scanty in the hill country that the people there were considered as objects of uncivilized world so that the need of administering them did not arise then. If any or certain magnitude of the touch of the plain's administration was felt by the people, it is much undoubted that they would have reacted against it well before the advent of the British, as had happened in 1910s and 1930s. On the other hand, the tribal people were so much pacified by leaving them alone that they could not even think of having the slightest hesitation in helping the Maharajas in the hours of need.
Glaring example of such service was shown by the Thadous in protesting Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh from leaving his palace for Shillong to sign the merger accord. The contribution rendered by the Zaliengrong in this regard cannot be ruled off. Secondly, along with imperialism came modernity. The implied meaning of modernity is 'new and intended to be different from the traditional styles' of classification of society based on culture, language, economic, and political.
The post reckoning year witnessed introduction of inequality of status; division of tribes in much serious consideration; change of religion from traditional practices to new and more complex system. It also introduced new but never before-experienced type of administration that urged the simple tribal people to switch over to that system in quick succession without any preparedness. Closer relation with the plain people was also unfolded which are thought to be, it really appeared to be true, an invasion of their very purpose of being a being in human nature.
Thirdly, another form of modernity that was not taking place was the dispersal of development in the hill areas. The few development that took place among the tribes was rather the ones that were not suitable with their taste and tradition. What could have been initially introduced among them were things for their material development that would be the first step of modernising them without firstly affecting their intrinsic values, the invasion to which made them perplexed on the face of the desired development that was and is concentrated in the bowl of the hills.
These situations were indeed the ethical ideas of the imperialist then. As we are now in the era of supposed equality and justice, we have to redress our grievances in the light of the propositions said above. We are aware that when Mr. Jinnah wanted to share political power, economic development, and equal social status with the Hindus and his attempt failed, the Muslim demanded an independent, sovereign State of their own. They were indeed succeeded in their last resort that sprang up from complete frustration. The legacy of imperialism and the lingered sense of imperialism among ourselves must be done away with so that we all live in peace and satisfied.
Worse convolution was the merger of the state with the union of India in 1949. Some important po-ints relating to the merger remained unexplored. Manipur ‘had merged’ with the Union of India. So the question now is not about ‘the merger itself, but it would rather be good to ask - what is the position of the two hill tribes - the Nagas and the Kukis, over the merger as of now?
The Chikim people are demanding ‘Homeland’ of their own base on the logic that they were tree-people before the ‘reckoning year’ and even after. This explicates that they negate the merger agreement. However, to whom do they route their demand for 'Homeland'? To the Indian Government! Why? On the other side, the Nagas demand Independent state from India thereby endorsed the merger agreement at their own capacity.
Along with their invented cognate tribes in neighbouring states and especially in Manipur, the Nagas of Manipur wanted to be a separate 'entity' from Manipur's. Whereas, the Kukis remains with the larger Manipuri entity. They are neither a threat to the pre-1891 princely state nor to the post merger state within the Union of India. But their deprivation on almost all fronts and how they are seen by both the two emerging entities, i.e. Nagas and Meiteis and the present democratic government at the Centre and the State Government annoyed them thereby making them to possess a greater threat. This is not of their fault!
We have to address the issue of conflict, real or imagined, and ask about the implications of our loyalty to divergent priorities and differentiated affinities.
The hegemonic ascendancy of British crown in Manipur and the latter's unprovoked merger with the union of India has become two greatest epochs in the annals of Manipur's history. No permanent solutions have been positioned thereof It leaves nothing but political chaos and social confusions. Ever since then, this has been creating the problems of lingering propagation of discontentment, suppression and then oppression in the hands of the British crown and secondly, the Indian democracy. This may be considered the first conceptual framework for analysis in the context of conflict between once sovereign state, Manipur, and democratic wielding India. The conflict so aroused affected the tribes in no lesser degree.
2. Assertion of the Tribal people
The uprising of the tribal people against the exploiter groups is not a new phenomenon. This is discontentment with the exploiter(s) exhibited in the form of 'Tribal Movements', which are now gaining momentum more vigorously than ever. The objectives of these movements, in the words of N. Joy Kumar Singh in Social Movements in Manipur are - ‘to preserve their political and social identity for the revival of their traditional religious system and some are for the safeguard of their economic interest against the encroachers. (p.15)’ Truly, after the British had changed her policy toward the hill people with the clear intention of controlling or manipulating, a serious type of conflict arouse between the 'intruder and the protector'.
Notable are the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919 and the Zaliengrong Movement, 1930-1932. Since then a spontaneous sentiment of discontentment and the experience of being meted out a hegemonic treatment remains embedded in the minds and ethos of the tribal people. It is worth to underscore here that both the movements were clearly directed against their common enemy - the British colonial interference into their land and culture. The Kuki Rebellion had particularly left a great impact in the administrative set up of the state, more so in the hill regions of Manipur.
Unfortunately, the Kukis themselves got a very little benefit from that war of independence. They fought against imperialism side by side or in contemporary with the rest of the ruled peoples the moment it was pressed into their country mainly to protect their ancestral land from the encroacher; to protect their cultural identity; and their rights.
It is politically a malignant especially for them because when all nations, nations on the making, linguistic, and cultural groups have benefited from their fights against imperialism or for freedom by granting them a political status each under the UN and under the union of India respectively, the Kukis' fights with heavy lost of lives and in greater magnitude are left unrecognised, unacknowledged, and un-written. However, no rebellions ever matched that of the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919.
Thus, the war that was initially directed against the British hegemonic attitude and subsequently against any such attitude is taken to be an unconcluded war. In other word, it is a 'living war'. The reason being that they have not noticed for themselves any fair treaty being reached in between the British suzerainty during its hay day in power or Indian Government, after the lapsed of British colonialism, on one hand and the Kukis on the other that could have been considered a 'logical conclusion' of the war, as conventionally required.
They had not received at least an iota of justice in the hands of the past colonial system and now they are foreseeing the day to realising their dream from the present democratic system under India. However, days of their genuine pleadings through democratic means are numbering out and their disappointments led them to the present state of affair.
Another interesting point is that before the British invasion the hill overflowed neither plain nor vice versa. The hill people were more or less independent of the plain people and vice versa. Even more interesting is the fact that the Kukis had better terms of relationship with their neighbouring Nagas until the latter's political awakening in the 1940s. Nevertheless, since then they remained to withstand the blunts of the Nagas during their political yearning for statehood of the present Nagaland; and again in the worst form, in the process for formation of a political entity as southern Nagaland.
3. From Development to Conflict
Then we may also construe conflict in relation to developmental inefficiency. Discussion on how the practical understanding of the term 'development' is a misnomer amongst the people of Manipur should go deeper into its social inference. One will therefore, ascribe to 'development' as widely defined by anthropologists and not merely in terms of economic transformation, or in its technical aspect. In order to put the term 'development' in a proper perspective, one also needs to address conditions that allowed the change of Manipur from it been once a 'peaceful and prosperous princely state' to situation of chaos and confusions. The need, hence, arise to address development as multi-directional as well as multi-dimensional that refers to all aspect of human development.
The focus on north East Indian states began only when the Chinese invaded India in 1962. Since then, security, and security-means-solutions of problems in North Eastern States, prominently in Manipur has been mainly considered while dealing with these states. Development thus became a casualty when the overriding concern remained to be security.
Someway, Governments at the Centre and at the State level now are convinced to the idea of mixing ‘development’ with security as a means of doing away insurgencies and conflicts of different nature. Some social scientists are also of the view that conflicts and insurgency problems are primarily because of lack of development. Both the State and Centre Governments give the impression of being trying on this facade of development. But, any success on this count will be of little certain unless the vast portion of the developmental allocations that actually find their last destination to insurgency and anti-state groups are completely checked, meant it!
Although it will amount to a very serious suggestion to include the 'State' itself and the 'Government' as 'anti-state', because of academic exercise we are tempted to do so. It is now without much doubt that the working of any Government at any given period, political cohorts, and their administrative machineries are largely depended on the whims and fancy of insurgent groups. The few individuals who formed the so-called 'Government' are the very, very people who work hand in glove with their own coteries known as 'anti-state' elements.
Creating and re-constructions of even more identity base on any inventible nomenclature or severer assertion of distinct and several identities for safeguard and protection of one's interests that is un-doing the territorial integrity of a 'political state' (Manipur) is but a manifestation of developmental miss spelling. Those interests so asserted range from economic, political, and social and subsequently sprouting out from such interest-conflicts of various natures. There is also a need to frame our concept of socio-economic transformation based on socio-political background. The future of Manipur on her socio-politico-economic fronts should have its grounding upon the background so addressed, as mentioned earlier, if one anticipates better days ahead.
The theory as we said, looks upon the ethnic insurgencies as a transient phenomenon that is bound to decline with every dose of modernisation (development). However, it is now beyond any doubt that the actual process of modernisation could hardly take on the course that was expected of it.
4. Inter-Communities Relationship & Intra-Problems
Ethnicity should fairly be defined ordinarily, i.e. as ‘an ethnic identity ordained and given’ and not in its non-active construction where the process has no visible end in sight and is unlikely to come to a grinding halt not only because there is ‘an insurmountable gap between what a community attempts to achieve and its ability to succeed in such attempts’ but also because communities by virtue of their being imagining subjects are never tired of re-constructing what they wish to become or erasing and replacing them with never ones.
In its broad division, two communities live in Manipur. The plain people composed one and the hill inhabitants on the other hand. The first composition is again divided into two main cultural groups - the Meiteis and the Meitei-Pangal. Similarly, the second community is also divided into two main ethnic groups - the Kukis (Chikim) and the Nagas.
The first broad division is due to topographical factor while the second distinction is based on cultural identity. The former group, i.e. plain people, shares two common identities. First, they live in the fertile plain and secondly they speak the same language. The tribal people too share two things. One is their place of settlement and the other - their religion, Christianity. Hinduism and Sana- mahi are the religions practice by the Meiteis.
However, they do not share these religions with their counterpart, the Meitei-Pangal, whose religion is one that is quite apart and incongruent from that of the Meiteis’. A question as to why not a single individual from the tribes follow any of the religions practice in the plain can be a point substantiating the gaps that were between the plain brethrens and the hill people. It also radiates the little connection they have or on the other hand, the freedom the tribal people enjoyed before the advent of outsiders.
The tribal people who were initially grouped based on their origin, their cultural identity, and shared ethos into Kuki-Chin-Mizo (Chikim) and Naga, later on experienced disintegration, especially so amongst the former group. Although the root of this experience is not too far to seek, social scientists are mostly considering the same on the non-active aspect rather than discoursing for pragmatism.
Tracing their terms of relationship on matters of social, economic, and political setting from far past till today will provides the conceptual framework upon which one can build the desire conclusion.
It is now pertinent to poise these queries:
1) What terms of relationship bind the different communities who live in Manipur since time immemorial?
2) How were their relations before the colonial period?
3) What types of urgently required relationships are available in their hands that can bridge the gap between them?
4) Have social scientists, academicians, and the so called social leaders any clear cut analysis on what gaps divide them that are posing as the impediment(s) toward building a political society of peaceful co-existence?
Moreover, the new tendency of social problem enveloping every group of people in Manipur is the worse form of problem culminating into no less than a conflict. These problems within a community, or a tribe, or between tribes, or ethnic groups are clearly pictured as conflict, especially so in a conflict and insurgency problem. This set-up is also discussed in the following sub-head.
5. Arm-conflict and the problem of insurgencies
Insurgencies are believed to occur in a vacuums created by inadequacy of administrative and political institutions; and in the absence of equal share of economic development among the various sections of the society. They, thereby, espouse the local demands, take advantages of the prevalent dissatisfaction and injustice among the exploited segments of the population, and seek to offer an alternative system of governance that promises emancipation of these segments from the clutches of the exploiter class through the barrel of a gun.
Initially, these insurgent groups would share some common features like unconformity with the existing system of governance and economic distribution. They also shared a common goal of offering an alternative system. As long as they are within the purview of these common goals, they are fighting their common enemy, i.e. the existing system of governance and distributive system of economic reforms.
Later on, as they voyage on the path of heighten struggle or under the situations of demoralisation, they themselves slowly but surely became victims of monopolisation of the struggle itself in the hands of the dominating class within that struggle. They also became victims of the preferential attitudes and lost of integrity on the part of the higher ranks in the group. From the points discussed above, we may attribute such consequences to two reasons:
1. Support of the general populace within the influence of the struggle may not have been won over thereby weakening the method, wherein the habit of showing preferential attitude towards even a smaller groups like a tribe, community and clan consideration has crept into their working as they became very much unsure of success in the ultimate goal of attaining an alternative system.
2. The point opined above conditioned both their socio-economic and political position in the society to the extend of considering that they may ultimately be left out to be the victims of such unfounded political ideologies and therefore wanted to switch over to a surviving alternative. This idea contributed to the growth of their interest in the present systems that they had earlier negated and fought against. In this connection, some may argue that it is a means to their goal end, but to which it may be said that it is the very situation where they express their frustrations. Yet, they are not ever ready wholly to give up but on the contrary, starts working for their personal gains using the materials they have built up in the earlier stages. In this way, they make themselves involved in almost all the exercises of the present political arrangement. Take instances from the recently held 9th state election where the involvement of almost every insurgent groups was reported.
This takes them onto the chair of another form of political and economic power. This development in the circle of struggle for political and economic power begat a more alarming and dangerous conflicts of interests, firstly among the power hungry insurgencies and secondly, conflicts between communities, tribes and lately between clans. Thus, conflicts became the bi-product of insurgencies. The victims of this unsolicited development are the larger chunks of the society who have ‘nothing to do with both as the means and as the end.
They are now the exploited segments that also would wish to get their freedom by using the same circle of struggle discussed. This is not the end. The conflicts of interests among various insurgent groups on the basis of preferential attitude toward certain smaller groups would still compel, under this circumstance, yet another exploited segment who remained optimistic and pacified to rise to assert or protect their political and economic interest at any cost. This is how another forms of conflict is brought up that conversely caused and affect us so much.
Hegemonic nature of the ruling/dominating classes in any given society and the incorporating modernity of colonial era have introduced inequality in social distributive system; and recognising social identities including ethnicity and cultures radiates disaster and the cultures of insurgency and counter hegemonic in the fights for liberating from the core of unending bondage.
It also appears that such ideology of insurgence and counter hegemonic become more or less a method of dehumanising and subjugating the weaker cultures and identities thereby asserting and promoting the identity and culture of the choicest.
In this connection, one is again reminded of the enigmatic claim Oscar Wilde had once made that: “Most people are other people.” True to this astounding remark, the multi-cultured society of Manipur is much closer to the idea of forced identification based on economic status, political status and on privileges pertaining to education and employ- ments which are implacably blotted out from economic-political division following ignorance on the part of Government and civil organisations.
This sense of economic-political identity would naturally pave the way for the formation of more formidable and indomitable identity. This type of identity will even more alarmingly take the idea of forging stronger group identities based on the dictum of Mao Tse Tung that ‘if there is to be revolution (change), there must be revolutionary party’. This exactly is what bothers us today, a poignant situation to the social nerves and economic veins of our less little paradise on earth.
This emphasized concept may also be explored with what Amartya Sen has perceptibly said in Identity and violence (p.2) thus: ‘The sense of identity can make an important contribution to the strength and the warmth of our relations with others, such as neighbours, or members of the same community, or fellow citizens, or followers of the same religion. Our focus on particular identities can enrich our bonds and make us do many things for each other and can help to take us beyond our self-centred lives’.
Jinnah of Pakistan wanted to share power with the Hindus. The idea was to secure a fifty per cent share of power for the Muslims. When this attempt failed, the Muslims demanded an independent sovereign state of their own. They were subsequently successful in their last resort that actually sprung up from complete frustration.
It is now clear that our revolutionary organisations, insurgency and conflict of interest subscribed and perpetuated by many interest groups would not and cannot give us any alternative system that would abound with prosperity, peace, and stability. We would force ourselves to work with the democracy we have despite how much “demon-crazy” it looks and it is.
We need to strengthen the voices of the exploited masses more reasonably. One person should not make decisions on important matters alone. They should be discussing with many. Mao Tse- Tung was moulded in a culture where the father ruled with heavy hand. He did the same thing at the time of Chinese revolutionary periods.
Concluding Remarks
The social system we have cannot surely take us to somewhere a place about which we are so passionate. With the fleeting of time, ranges of judgments followed by actions at one’s own urge are coming more rigid in our society than before.
Several individuals, without exception to social groups, non-governmental organisations including revolutionary organisations and political party are taking courses of actions at their own whims and impulse, which are short sighted, self-seeking without being aware of neither of the common interest or welfare of others. This is so much so that they become much unworthy than people of the past are.
Non-tribal and tribal organisations, student bodies, women organisations and the so-called revolutionary organisations, etc. are all fighting for better lives, socio-economic equality, and political justice or in short, alternative system. These are battles to increasing humane values in society and nothing else.
It is filling up the vacuum of inadequacy of governance, bringing around of justice system, and to do away with inequality. But the painful fact is that we are rather retrogressing very badly towards a situation, situation even more degenerating than the past when things were even better than today.
Therefore, instead of creating a novel order, both in the society and in the governance, more harms, insecurity, hatred between - hills and valley - tribe and tribe - clan and clan, village and village - and organisation and organisation is let loose amongst all sections of the society.
Under these prevailing conditions of presumably inching toward better share or total share of power - may be political power or economic power, or may be combination of the duo, such assertions and claims become further away from being socially and politically viable. All endeavours appear to be more fantasy for any foreseeable well being of all than being truly someone/something we may or might have claimed to be.
The small but the loving and caring attitude we have towards each of the members of societies and to our respective identities is the moral of the past that is handed down to us as a gift. We are rather more disproving of the undisputed fact of social theory that man is a social being.
What social belonging-ness is with us today. We need to purify the egocentric inherent nature that will put us into a day of doom but also condense them suitable to be used to the present fast changing world. When we do so, it can certainly build a kind of invaluable social pattern good to be used in the course of our social inter-relationship. Moreover, it would be better than fighting alone.
While cherishing a part of our great traditional ways, we chilled away from re-christening the whole or at least certain valued practises that may reasonably have much to do with our onward journey to social perfection. We love to show-off what is called cultural identity and love to show-cast dresses of what went before generations. The generations and the identities that we are now glorifying or trying to protect at any cause were the times of exclusive hunt for mere survival from hunger and starvation on a day-to-day basis. It had little scope to accommodate the required social standard that we are called to act with at the present socio-political scenario. The survival of men of the food-gathering stage largely depended on the sacrifices each individual member made to the general welfare.
Nevertheless, with the world becoming smaller in terms of its market economy, in its socio-political aspect, and thus the continued existence of nations and nationals and even ethnic groups largely depends on how much sacrifices we can make of our petty individualistic ambitions at the anticipated welfare of all. We actually fail to negotiate with the doctrines and struggles we hold fast, for these will bring no better time as expected unless we do not break down ourselves to surrender for a common cause.
To grow up in a properly laid social foundation is what we require most as a long-term step towards building mutual social harmony that would also lead us to social stability. Social foundation thus, should thrust its forces upon the future when things would go right but not merely on individuality or on a particular group’s gains that are immediate and short-lived. It should also inculcate a standing personality that is expected by parents of their children.
The society itself requires it too. Every society is in need of social relationship between indivi-duals of various groups and between different communities in spite of our varied personalities, culture and customs, which could bring about a harmonious relationships.
This nature of relationship will do away many social ills that prevent us to shade away from our claimed identities based on place of living, ethnicity, and or community. In Manipur context, it may be said that we have one of the easiest ways of cementing a bond of oneness by exploring our sociological and cultural cognateness.
The present self-centredness in respecting our respective past cultures, history and ways of life in an exclusive manner shall even be proved disastrous in future particularly to that very group who owned it up. It shall also impose a big obstacle on the way to forming and forging a one common culture. A social system that can encompass the general welfare of all shall also be banned.
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* Ngamkhohao Haokip is a Research Scholar at the Dept of Political Science at Manipur University. This article was published at The Sangai Express. This article was webcasted at e-pao.net on 20th July 2007.
"If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional rights, in any moral point of view, justify revolution..."
Lincoln, First Inaugural Address, 1861.
Conflict is not only any prolonged arm struggles against a sovereign political state but also the dichotomies of interest; opinion; philosophy; economic status; social status; political status; etc. produced on the minority by the majority. The circle of conflict will roll on until the minority fights back against the majority to maintain either the pre-conflict state or again ‘trick’ the masses for superiority in the number game.
In this way conflict is being perpetuated the way it is inherited from the earlier experiences till both lost the game and subsequently merged to form another type of majority called ‘Mono-rity’, a system where everyone has their voice in everything and shares both economic and political power and material things as the need arises. This is nothing but co-existence based on mutual understanding and mutual co-operation for socio-economic and political development for all.
The following are conceptual frameworks for further analysis by anyone concerned. In the discussion below it will be shown, how situations in Manipur are in the very stage of where minority fights against majority and another form of majority in the nature of ‘Monority’ is in the making.
1. Conflict over imperialism
The recorded history of kingship in Manipur started from 33 AD. After one millennium, eight centuries and more than fifty decades of continuous self-governance based on, we may say, a set traditional pattern, the British Paramountcy came into the country where every community was living in freedom until 1891, the reckoning year. A sudden upsurge was observed in both the political set-up and administration of the state. Unlike this socio-political surge, the magnitude of changes or whatever had happened before the said political upheaval has borne little on the social and political lives of the people.
Even if there were transformations, it was rather time factor barely involving evolutionary process in the absence of haste and hassle incurred in 1891 and thereafter. Had the unnecessary help of a third party i.e. the British not sought, things would have remained quite different from the present ugly experiences. This is history in itself wherefrom a lesson of such a grave mistake in the past should be learnt. The lives and mentality of the then subjects were so much affected so that it left behind a legacy indigestible and something hard to-gobble-up the state of affairs. This situation had had its manifestations in the form of political and social unrest, protests of varying degree, and different forms of freedom struggles.
In this regard, one can bring about different reasons that can be reckoned with the great intensity of many-sided dissatisfaction and unwarranted socio-political upheavals both among the tribes and in the plain country. Here are some such opinions. Firstly, before the tagged ‘reckoning year 1891’, the hill tribes were largely left undisturbed in matter of administration.
The influence of the Maharajas' governance was so scanty in the hill country that the people there were considered as objects of uncivilized world so that the need of administering them did not arise then. If any or certain magnitude of the touch of the plain's administration was felt by the people, it is much undoubted that they would have reacted against it well before the advent of the British, as had happened in 1910s and 1930s. On the other hand, the tribal people were so much pacified by leaving them alone that they could not even think of having the slightest hesitation in helping the Maharajas in the hours of need.
Glaring example of such service was shown by the Thadous in protesting Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh from leaving his palace for Shillong to sign the merger accord. The contribution rendered by the Zaliengrong in this regard cannot be ruled off. Secondly, along with imperialism came modernity. The implied meaning of modernity is 'new and intended to be different from the traditional styles' of classification of society based on culture, language, economic, and political.
The post reckoning year witnessed introduction of inequality of status; division of tribes in much serious consideration; change of religion from traditional practices to new and more complex system. It also introduced new but never before-experienced type of administration that urged the simple tribal people to switch over to that system in quick succession without any preparedness. Closer relation with the plain people was also unfolded which are thought to be, it really appeared to be true, an invasion of their very purpose of being a being in human nature.
Thirdly, another form of modernity that was not taking place was the dispersal of development in the hill areas. The few development that took place among the tribes was rather the ones that were not suitable with their taste and tradition. What could have been initially introduced among them were things for their material development that would be the first step of modernising them without firstly affecting their intrinsic values, the invasion to which made them perplexed on the face of the desired development that was and is concentrated in the bowl of the hills.
These situations were indeed the ethical ideas of the imperialist then. As we are now in the era of supposed equality and justice, we have to redress our grievances in the light of the propositions said above. We are aware that when Mr. Jinnah wanted to share political power, economic development, and equal social status with the Hindus and his attempt failed, the Muslim demanded an independent, sovereign State of their own. They were indeed succeeded in their last resort that sprang up from complete frustration. The legacy of imperialism and the lingered sense of imperialism among ourselves must be done away with so that we all live in peace and satisfied.
Worse convolution was the merger of the state with the union of India in 1949. Some important po-ints relating to the merger remained unexplored. Manipur ‘had merged’ with the Union of India. So the question now is not about ‘the merger itself, but it would rather be good to ask - what is the position of the two hill tribes - the Nagas and the Kukis, over the merger as of now?
The Chikim people are demanding ‘Homeland’ of their own base on the logic that they were tree-people before the ‘reckoning year’ and even after. This explicates that they negate the merger agreement. However, to whom do they route their demand for 'Homeland'? To the Indian Government! Why? On the other side, the Nagas demand Independent state from India thereby endorsed the merger agreement at their own capacity.
Along with their invented cognate tribes in neighbouring states and especially in Manipur, the Nagas of Manipur wanted to be a separate 'entity' from Manipur's. Whereas, the Kukis remains with the larger Manipuri entity. They are neither a threat to the pre-1891 princely state nor to the post merger state within the Union of India. But their deprivation on almost all fronts and how they are seen by both the two emerging entities, i.e. Nagas and Meiteis and the present democratic government at the Centre and the State Government annoyed them thereby making them to possess a greater threat. This is not of their fault!
We have to address the issue of conflict, real or imagined, and ask about the implications of our loyalty to divergent priorities and differentiated affinities.
The hegemonic ascendancy of British crown in Manipur and the latter's unprovoked merger with the union of India has become two greatest epochs in the annals of Manipur's history. No permanent solutions have been positioned thereof It leaves nothing but political chaos and social confusions. Ever since then, this has been creating the problems of lingering propagation of discontentment, suppression and then oppression in the hands of the British crown and secondly, the Indian democracy. This may be considered the first conceptual framework for analysis in the context of conflict between once sovereign state, Manipur, and democratic wielding India. The conflict so aroused affected the tribes in no lesser degree.
2. Assertion of the Tribal people
The uprising of the tribal people against the exploiter groups is not a new phenomenon. This is discontentment with the exploiter(s) exhibited in the form of 'Tribal Movements', which are now gaining momentum more vigorously than ever. The objectives of these movements, in the words of N. Joy Kumar Singh in Social Movements in Manipur are - ‘to preserve their political and social identity for the revival of their traditional religious system and some are for the safeguard of their economic interest against the encroachers. (p.15)’ Truly, after the British had changed her policy toward the hill people with the clear intention of controlling or manipulating, a serious type of conflict arouse between the 'intruder and the protector'.
Notable are the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919 and the Zaliengrong Movement, 1930-1932. Since then a spontaneous sentiment of discontentment and the experience of being meted out a hegemonic treatment remains embedded in the minds and ethos of the tribal people. It is worth to underscore here that both the movements were clearly directed against their common enemy - the British colonial interference into their land and culture. The Kuki Rebellion had particularly left a great impact in the administrative set up of the state, more so in the hill regions of Manipur.
Unfortunately, the Kukis themselves got a very little benefit from that war of independence. They fought against imperialism side by side or in contemporary with the rest of the ruled peoples the moment it was pressed into their country mainly to protect their ancestral land from the encroacher; to protect their cultural identity; and their rights.
It is politically a malignant especially for them because when all nations, nations on the making, linguistic, and cultural groups have benefited from their fights against imperialism or for freedom by granting them a political status each under the UN and under the union of India respectively, the Kukis' fights with heavy lost of lives and in greater magnitude are left unrecognised, unacknowledged, and un-written. However, no rebellions ever matched that of the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919.
Thus, the war that was initially directed against the British hegemonic attitude and subsequently against any such attitude is taken to be an unconcluded war. In other word, it is a 'living war'. The reason being that they have not noticed for themselves any fair treaty being reached in between the British suzerainty during its hay day in power or Indian Government, after the lapsed of British colonialism, on one hand and the Kukis on the other that could have been considered a 'logical conclusion' of the war, as conventionally required.
They had not received at least an iota of justice in the hands of the past colonial system and now they are foreseeing the day to realising their dream from the present democratic system under India. However, days of their genuine pleadings through democratic means are numbering out and their disappointments led them to the present state of affair.
Another interesting point is that before the British invasion the hill overflowed neither plain nor vice versa. The hill people were more or less independent of the plain people and vice versa. Even more interesting is the fact that the Kukis had better terms of relationship with their neighbouring Nagas until the latter's political awakening in the 1940s. Nevertheless, since then they remained to withstand the blunts of the Nagas during their political yearning for statehood of the present Nagaland; and again in the worst form, in the process for formation of a political entity as southern Nagaland.
3. From Development to Conflict
Then we may also construe conflict in relation to developmental inefficiency. Discussion on how the practical understanding of the term 'development' is a misnomer amongst the people of Manipur should go deeper into its social inference. One will therefore, ascribe to 'development' as widely defined by anthropologists and not merely in terms of economic transformation, or in its technical aspect. In order to put the term 'development' in a proper perspective, one also needs to address conditions that allowed the change of Manipur from it been once a 'peaceful and prosperous princely state' to situation of chaos and confusions. The need, hence, arise to address development as multi-directional as well as multi-dimensional that refers to all aspect of human development.
The focus on north East Indian states began only when the Chinese invaded India in 1962. Since then, security, and security-means-solutions of problems in North Eastern States, prominently in Manipur has been mainly considered while dealing with these states. Development thus became a casualty when the overriding concern remained to be security.
Someway, Governments at the Centre and at the State level now are convinced to the idea of mixing ‘development’ with security as a means of doing away insurgencies and conflicts of different nature. Some social scientists are also of the view that conflicts and insurgency problems are primarily because of lack of development. Both the State and Centre Governments give the impression of being trying on this facade of development. But, any success on this count will be of little certain unless the vast portion of the developmental allocations that actually find their last destination to insurgency and anti-state groups are completely checked, meant it!
Although it will amount to a very serious suggestion to include the 'State' itself and the 'Government' as 'anti-state', because of academic exercise we are tempted to do so. It is now without much doubt that the working of any Government at any given period, political cohorts, and their administrative machineries are largely depended on the whims and fancy of insurgent groups. The few individuals who formed the so-called 'Government' are the very, very people who work hand in glove with their own coteries known as 'anti-state' elements.
Creating and re-constructions of even more identity base on any inventible nomenclature or severer assertion of distinct and several identities for safeguard and protection of one's interests that is un-doing the territorial integrity of a 'political state' (Manipur) is but a manifestation of developmental miss spelling. Those interests so asserted range from economic, political, and social and subsequently sprouting out from such interest-conflicts of various natures. There is also a need to frame our concept of socio-economic transformation based on socio-political background. The future of Manipur on her socio-politico-economic fronts should have its grounding upon the background so addressed, as mentioned earlier, if one anticipates better days ahead.
The theory as we said, looks upon the ethnic insurgencies as a transient phenomenon that is bound to decline with every dose of modernisation (development). However, it is now beyond any doubt that the actual process of modernisation could hardly take on the course that was expected of it.
4. Inter-Communities Relationship & Intra-Problems
Ethnicity should fairly be defined ordinarily, i.e. as ‘an ethnic identity ordained and given’ and not in its non-active construction where the process has no visible end in sight and is unlikely to come to a grinding halt not only because there is ‘an insurmountable gap between what a community attempts to achieve and its ability to succeed in such attempts’ but also because communities by virtue of their being imagining subjects are never tired of re-constructing what they wish to become or erasing and replacing them with never ones.
In its broad division, two communities live in Manipur. The plain people composed one and the hill inhabitants on the other hand. The first composition is again divided into two main cultural groups - the Meiteis and the Meitei-Pangal. Similarly, the second community is also divided into two main ethnic groups - the Kukis (Chikim) and the Nagas.
The first broad division is due to topographical factor while the second distinction is based on cultural identity. The former group, i.e. plain people, shares two common identities. First, they live in the fertile plain and secondly they speak the same language. The tribal people too share two things. One is their place of settlement and the other - their religion, Christianity. Hinduism and Sana- mahi are the religions practice by the Meiteis.
However, they do not share these religions with their counterpart, the Meitei-Pangal, whose religion is one that is quite apart and incongruent from that of the Meiteis’. A question as to why not a single individual from the tribes follow any of the religions practice in the plain can be a point substantiating the gaps that were between the plain brethrens and the hill people. It also radiates the little connection they have or on the other hand, the freedom the tribal people enjoyed before the advent of outsiders.
The tribal people who were initially grouped based on their origin, their cultural identity, and shared ethos into Kuki-Chin-Mizo (Chikim) and Naga, later on experienced disintegration, especially so amongst the former group. Although the root of this experience is not too far to seek, social scientists are mostly considering the same on the non-active aspect rather than discoursing for pragmatism.
Tracing their terms of relationship on matters of social, economic, and political setting from far past till today will provides the conceptual framework upon which one can build the desire conclusion.
It is now pertinent to poise these queries:
1) What terms of relationship bind the different communities who live in Manipur since time immemorial?
2) How were their relations before the colonial period?
3) What types of urgently required relationships are available in their hands that can bridge the gap between them?
4) Have social scientists, academicians, and the so called social leaders any clear cut analysis on what gaps divide them that are posing as the impediment(s) toward building a political society of peaceful co-existence?
Moreover, the new tendency of social problem enveloping every group of people in Manipur is the worse form of problem culminating into no less than a conflict. These problems within a community, or a tribe, or between tribes, or ethnic groups are clearly pictured as conflict, especially so in a conflict and insurgency problem. This set-up is also discussed in the following sub-head.
5. Arm-conflict and the problem of insurgencies
Insurgencies are believed to occur in a vacuums created by inadequacy of administrative and political institutions; and in the absence of equal share of economic development among the various sections of the society. They, thereby, espouse the local demands, take advantages of the prevalent dissatisfaction and injustice among the exploited segments of the population, and seek to offer an alternative system of governance that promises emancipation of these segments from the clutches of the exploiter class through the barrel of a gun.
Initially, these insurgent groups would share some common features like unconformity with the existing system of governance and economic distribution. They also shared a common goal of offering an alternative system. As long as they are within the purview of these common goals, they are fighting their common enemy, i.e. the existing system of governance and distributive system of economic reforms.
Later on, as they voyage on the path of heighten struggle or under the situations of demoralisation, they themselves slowly but surely became victims of monopolisation of the struggle itself in the hands of the dominating class within that struggle. They also became victims of the preferential attitudes and lost of integrity on the part of the higher ranks in the group. From the points discussed above, we may attribute such consequences to two reasons:
1. Support of the general populace within the influence of the struggle may not have been won over thereby weakening the method, wherein the habit of showing preferential attitude towards even a smaller groups like a tribe, community and clan consideration has crept into their working as they became very much unsure of success in the ultimate goal of attaining an alternative system.
2. The point opined above conditioned both their socio-economic and political position in the society to the extend of considering that they may ultimately be left out to be the victims of such unfounded political ideologies and therefore wanted to switch over to a surviving alternative. This idea contributed to the growth of their interest in the present systems that they had earlier negated and fought against. In this connection, some may argue that it is a means to their goal end, but to which it may be said that it is the very situation where they express their frustrations. Yet, they are not ever ready wholly to give up but on the contrary, starts working for their personal gains using the materials they have built up in the earlier stages. In this way, they make themselves involved in almost all the exercises of the present political arrangement. Take instances from the recently held 9th state election where the involvement of almost every insurgent groups was reported.
This takes them onto the chair of another form of political and economic power. This development in the circle of struggle for political and economic power begat a more alarming and dangerous conflicts of interests, firstly among the power hungry insurgencies and secondly, conflicts between communities, tribes and lately between clans. Thus, conflicts became the bi-product of insurgencies. The victims of this unsolicited development are the larger chunks of the society who have ‘nothing to do with both as the means and as the end.
They are now the exploited segments that also would wish to get their freedom by using the same circle of struggle discussed. This is not the end. The conflicts of interests among various insurgent groups on the basis of preferential attitude toward certain smaller groups would still compel, under this circumstance, yet another exploited segment who remained optimistic and pacified to rise to assert or protect their political and economic interest at any cost. This is how another forms of conflict is brought up that conversely caused and affect us so much.
Hegemonic nature of the ruling/dominating classes in any given society and the incorporating modernity of colonial era have introduced inequality in social distributive system; and recognising social identities including ethnicity and cultures radiates disaster and the cultures of insurgency and counter hegemonic in the fights for liberating from the core of unending bondage.
It also appears that such ideology of insurgence and counter hegemonic become more or less a method of dehumanising and subjugating the weaker cultures and identities thereby asserting and promoting the identity and culture of the choicest.
In this connection, one is again reminded of the enigmatic claim Oscar Wilde had once made that: “Most people are other people.” True to this astounding remark, the multi-cultured society of Manipur is much closer to the idea of forced identification based on economic status, political status and on privileges pertaining to education and employ- ments which are implacably blotted out from economic-political division following ignorance on the part of Government and civil organisations.
This sense of economic-political identity would naturally pave the way for the formation of more formidable and indomitable identity. This type of identity will even more alarmingly take the idea of forging stronger group identities based on the dictum of Mao Tse Tung that ‘if there is to be revolution (change), there must be revolutionary party’. This exactly is what bothers us today, a poignant situation to the social nerves and economic veins of our less little paradise on earth.
This emphasized concept may also be explored with what Amartya Sen has perceptibly said in Identity and violence (p.2) thus: ‘The sense of identity can make an important contribution to the strength and the warmth of our relations with others, such as neighbours, or members of the same community, or fellow citizens, or followers of the same religion. Our focus on particular identities can enrich our bonds and make us do many things for each other and can help to take us beyond our self-centred lives’.
Jinnah of Pakistan wanted to share power with the Hindus. The idea was to secure a fifty per cent share of power for the Muslims. When this attempt failed, the Muslims demanded an independent sovereign state of their own. They were subsequently successful in their last resort that actually sprung up from complete frustration.
It is now clear that our revolutionary organisations, insurgency and conflict of interest subscribed and perpetuated by many interest groups would not and cannot give us any alternative system that would abound with prosperity, peace, and stability. We would force ourselves to work with the democracy we have despite how much “demon-crazy” it looks and it is.
We need to strengthen the voices of the exploited masses more reasonably. One person should not make decisions on important matters alone. They should be discussing with many. Mao Tse- Tung was moulded in a culture where the father ruled with heavy hand. He did the same thing at the time of Chinese revolutionary periods.
Concluding Remarks
The social system we have cannot surely take us to somewhere a place about which we are so passionate. With the fleeting of time, ranges of judgments followed by actions at one’s own urge are coming more rigid in our society than before.
Several individuals, without exception to social groups, non-governmental organisations including revolutionary organisations and political party are taking courses of actions at their own whims and impulse, which are short sighted, self-seeking without being aware of neither of the common interest or welfare of others. This is so much so that they become much unworthy than people of the past are.
Non-tribal and tribal organisations, student bodies, women organisations and the so-called revolutionary organisations, etc. are all fighting for better lives, socio-economic equality, and political justice or in short, alternative system. These are battles to increasing humane values in society and nothing else.
It is filling up the vacuum of inadequacy of governance, bringing around of justice system, and to do away with inequality. But the painful fact is that we are rather retrogressing very badly towards a situation, situation even more degenerating than the past when things were even better than today.
Therefore, instead of creating a novel order, both in the society and in the governance, more harms, insecurity, hatred between - hills and valley - tribe and tribe - clan and clan, village and village - and organisation and organisation is let loose amongst all sections of the society.
Under these prevailing conditions of presumably inching toward better share or total share of power - may be political power or economic power, or may be combination of the duo, such assertions and claims become further away from being socially and politically viable. All endeavours appear to be more fantasy for any foreseeable well being of all than being truly someone/something we may or might have claimed to be.
The small but the loving and caring attitude we have towards each of the members of societies and to our respective identities is the moral of the past that is handed down to us as a gift. We are rather more disproving of the undisputed fact of social theory that man is a social being.
What social belonging-ness is with us today. We need to purify the egocentric inherent nature that will put us into a day of doom but also condense them suitable to be used to the present fast changing world. When we do so, it can certainly build a kind of invaluable social pattern good to be used in the course of our social inter-relationship. Moreover, it would be better than fighting alone.
While cherishing a part of our great traditional ways, we chilled away from re-christening the whole or at least certain valued practises that may reasonably have much to do with our onward journey to social perfection. We love to show-off what is called cultural identity and love to show-cast dresses of what went before generations. The generations and the identities that we are now glorifying or trying to protect at any cause were the times of exclusive hunt for mere survival from hunger and starvation on a day-to-day basis. It had little scope to accommodate the required social standard that we are called to act with at the present socio-political scenario. The survival of men of the food-gathering stage largely depended on the sacrifices each individual member made to the general welfare.
Nevertheless, with the world becoming smaller in terms of its market economy, in its socio-political aspect, and thus the continued existence of nations and nationals and even ethnic groups largely depends on how much sacrifices we can make of our petty individualistic ambitions at the anticipated welfare of all. We actually fail to negotiate with the doctrines and struggles we hold fast, for these will bring no better time as expected unless we do not break down ourselves to surrender for a common cause.
To grow up in a properly laid social foundation is what we require most as a long-term step towards building mutual social harmony that would also lead us to social stability. Social foundation thus, should thrust its forces upon the future when things would go right but not merely on individuality or on a particular group’s gains that are immediate and short-lived. It should also inculcate a standing personality that is expected by parents of their children.
The society itself requires it too. Every society is in need of social relationship between indivi-duals of various groups and between different communities in spite of our varied personalities, culture and customs, which could bring about a harmonious relationships.
This nature of relationship will do away many social ills that prevent us to shade away from our claimed identities based on place of living, ethnicity, and or community. In Manipur context, it may be said that we have one of the easiest ways of cementing a bond of oneness by exploring our sociological and cultural cognateness.
The present self-centredness in respecting our respective past cultures, history and ways of life in an exclusive manner shall even be proved disastrous in future particularly to that very group who owned it up. It shall also impose a big obstacle on the way to forming and forging a one common culture. A social system that can encompass the general welfare of all shall also be banned.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Ngamkhohao Haokip is a Research Scholar at the Dept of Political Science at Manipur University. This article was published at The Sangai Express. This article was webcasted at e-pao.net on 20th July 2007.
OF LANDMINES,RALLIES AND BATONS
By: Thangkhanlal Ngaihte *
The high drama that started on the evening of March 23 when the Delhi Police (along with the CRPF and RAF) broke up a protest march by tribal students from Manipur at Parliament Street, New Delhi came to an equally dramatic end on March 27 at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. But there is no knowing if the passion/tension filled 4-day drama right here in the heart of the capital will help bring amelioration to the issues that give rise to such protests in the first place.
Let me recapitulate, since the story just did not get the reportage it deserves in the English newspapers, both in Delhi and Imphal. The 23rd March protest rally was organized to demand action from the central and Manipur government on the (alleged) forcible abduction to Myanmar of as many as 480 Kuki villagers in Chandel district by the UNLF in collusion with elements of the Myanmar military junta; and on the landmine situation in the same district that has claimed at least 33 lives in the last six years, apart from throwing normal existence out of gear.
It may be mentioned that another rally had been held at the same place here on March 5 on the same issue. Both rallies were organized under the initiative of the Kuki Students Organisation (KSO), New Delhi. I took part in both these rallies. I saw what happened. It’s true that the agitators became restive after it became known that the Memorandum, addressed to the President, could not be submitted even by 4 pm on March 23. People have been sitting, standing and shouting in the sun all day without food. They realized that this rally, like the previous one, is getting nowhere unless something dramatic happen.
Soon, an attempt was made to break the second police barricade. By this time, the police had gathered in strength on the other side in full riot gear. Fragments of bricks, stone pieces, water bottles and iron rods started to fly. Next came the teargases, hissing and spouting white smoke; water cannons spewing forth liquid like laser beams; stun bombs, rubber bullets et al. It was at that point that people started to run.
Partially blinded by teargases, I took the short cut route next to the LIC building and ran back towards the rally’s starting point where the buses were parked. Limping along the road, I reached a corner in front of the Janata Dal (U) office at Jantar Mantar Road. I started splashing my eyes with water and it was then that a large group of crazy looking policemen passed me.
Many girls had boarded the waiting buses by that time. I saw a tear-gas canister exploding at the door of one bus. I saw a girl dragged out of the bus by the hair by a policeman even as another whipped her repeatedly on the head and back with a baton. As the girl falls down, a third police person emerged and started stomping on her.
I can go on but it was unnecessary. One can well argue that there is some provocation for the police action, but the extent of the response was definitely over the top, and unbecoming of a professional police force. The police actually searched for and rounded up everyone who looks like a ‘chinky’ from the area. Three people, whom I know, who were going to Le Meredien Hotel for a function in the evening were picked up without any explanation and interrogated at the Thana.
They were slapped around as they protests and were eventually dropped back to the Hotel–but not before Xeroxed copies of their invite and ID cards were taken. The complaint submitted to the NHRC by ‘Action 2007’, a people’s action group that staged agitations at the same place on the day, documents some of the outrages perpetrated by the police on the agitators, most of whom were students.
But it was inside the police thana and in the charges framed against the arrested agitators that the vengeful, vindictive nature of the Delhi Police became apparent. Most of the 150-odd agitators arrested–many of them injured and bleeding–were tortured and subjected to humiliating treatments even after they were in police custody. They were not provided any food on the first day and they have to brave the wintry night in their T-shirts.
All sorts of charges–including those relating to dacoity and robbery were brought against them by the Delhi police, the same force that unleashed such brutality upon them. The police even tried to arrest those who had gone to the police station and at RML Hospital in the evening to bring some food to them. When they were produced at the Patiala House Court the next day, some people who tried to pass eatables to them were rudely shooed off by the police.
Will the Delhi police behave the way they did if the agitators were brown-skinners, say, from UP? What about the know-all media? In some reports (and there were very few), the agitators were dubbed as ‘Kuki activists’, while in fact most of them were students, many of whom actually missed their university practical examinations due to their incarceration. ‘Serious’ newspapers that have enough space for ‘a university teacher who picked a fight with someone who run over a dog’ have no space for the issue (landmine), nor the rallies nor the police excesses. It was astounding, to say the least.
It is even doubtful if the prisoners will be released this way had various students’ organizations (especially the JNU Students Union) and civil society groups in the capital not extended their support in so overwhelming a manner. The sit-in protest at ITO on Monday was a huge success that must have unnerved the police. Since Monday, people have been keeping a continuous vigil at Tihar Jail. At the JNU, where a reception was planned on the same day, hundreds of people waited up till about 2 am for the prisoners to be released.
When they indeed ‘came home’ around 4 pm on Tuesday, the spectacle was a beautiful one, shorn of all maliciousness and spite that has come to be identified with the police. More than a thousand people who have been waiting for them at Teflas (JNUSU Complex) lined the road and cheer on as the ‘heroes’ emerged from their buses. Many of them still bore tell tale signs of torture, some were in bandages and two of them came with IV drips attached to their arms.
But each of them could not help but smile as they were presented roses as they alighted. Only one was left behind, due to a ‘clerical mistake’ and was to be released the next day. If there has been someone, who just happens to be here for the fun, he would probably never realize the irony.
Of this ‘celebration’ and the landmines that still sits in the hills back home, the rural existence that has gone haywire completely and the 480-odd people allegedly transported to god-knows-where inside Myanmar.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thangkhanlal Ngaihte wrote this article for the Sangai Express
This article was webcasted on April 08th, 2007.
The high drama that started on the evening of March 23 when the Delhi Police (along with the CRPF and RAF) broke up a protest march by tribal students from Manipur at Parliament Street, New Delhi came to an equally dramatic end on March 27 at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. But there is no knowing if the passion/tension filled 4-day drama right here in the heart of the capital will help bring amelioration to the issues that give rise to such protests in the first place.
Let me recapitulate, since the story just did not get the reportage it deserves in the English newspapers, both in Delhi and Imphal. The 23rd March protest rally was organized to demand action from the central and Manipur government on the (alleged) forcible abduction to Myanmar of as many as 480 Kuki villagers in Chandel district by the UNLF in collusion with elements of the Myanmar military junta; and on the landmine situation in the same district that has claimed at least 33 lives in the last six years, apart from throwing normal existence out of gear.
It may be mentioned that another rally had been held at the same place here on March 5 on the same issue. Both rallies were organized under the initiative of the Kuki Students Organisation (KSO), New Delhi. I took part in both these rallies. I saw what happened. It’s true that the agitators became restive after it became known that the Memorandum, addressed to the President, could not be submitted even by 4 pm on March 23. People have been sitting, standing and shouting in the sun all day without food. They realized that this rally, like the previous one, is getting nowhere unless something dramatic happen.
Soon, an attempt was made to break the second police barricade. By this time, the police had gathered in strength on the other side in full riot gear. Fragments of bricks, stone pieces, water bottles and iron rods started to fly. Next came the teargases, hissing and spouting white smoke; water cannons spewing forth liquid like laser beams; stun bombs, rubber bullets et al. It was at that point that people started to run.
Partially blinded by teargases, I took the short cut route next to the LIC building and ran back towards the rally’s starting point where the buses were parked. Limping along the road, I reached a corner in front of the Janata Dal (U) office at Jantar Mantar Road. I started splashing my eyes with water and it was then that a large group of crazy looking policemen passed me.
Many girls had boarded the waiting buses by that time. I saw a tear-gas canister exploding at the door of one bus. I saw a girl dragged out of the bus by the hair by a policeman even as another whipped her repeatedly on the head and back with a baton. As the girl falls down, a third police person emerged and started stomping on her.
I can go on but it was unnecessary. One can well argue that there is some provocation for the police action, but the extent of the response was definitely over the top, and unbecoming of a professional police force. The police actually searched for and rounded up everyone who looks like a ‘chinky’ from the area. Three people, whom I know, who were going to Le Meredien Hotel for a function in the evening were picked up without any explanation and interrogated at the Thana.
They were slapped around as they protests and were eventually dropped back to the Hotel–but not before Xeroxed copies of their invite and ID cards were taken. The complaint submitted to the NHRC by ‘Action 2007’, a people’s action group that staged agitations at the same place on the day, documents some of the outrages perpetrated by the police on the agitators, most of whom were students.
But it was inside the police thana and in the charges framed against the arrested agitators that the vengeful, vindictive nature of the Delhi Police became apparent. Most of the 150-odd agitators arrested–many of them injured and bleeding–were tortured and subjected to humiliating treatments even after they were in police custody. They were not provided any food on the first day and they have to brave the wintry night in their T-shirts.
All sorts of charges–including those relating to dacoity and robbery were brought against them by the Delhi police, the same force that unleashed such brutality upon them. The police even tried to arrest those who had gone to the police station and at RML Hospital in the evening to bring some food to them. When they were produced at the Patiala House Court the next day, some people who tried to pass eatables to them were rudely shooed off by the police.
Will the Delhi police behave the way they did if the agitators were brown-skinners, say, from UP? What about the know-all media? In some reports (and there were very few), the agitators were dubbed as ‘Kuki activists’, while in fact most of them were students, many of whom actually missed their university practical examinations due to their incarceration. ‘Serious’ newspapers that have enough space for ‘a university teacher who picked a fight with someone who run over a dog’ have no space for the issue (landmine), nor the rallies nor the police excesses. It was astounding, to say the least.
It is even doubtful if the prisoners will be released this way had various students’ organizations (especially the JNU Students Union) and civil society groups in the capital not extended their support in so overwhelming a manner. The sit-in protest at ITO on Monday was a huge success that must have unnerved the police. Since Monday, people have been keeping a continuous vigil at Tihar Jail. At the JNU, where a reception was planned on the same day, hundreds of people waited up till about 2 am for the prisoners to be released.
When they indeed ‘came home’ around 4 pm on Tuesday, the spectacle was a beautiful one, shorn of all maliciousness and spite that has come to be identified with the police. More than a thousand people who have been waiting for them at Teflas (JNUSU Complex) lined the road and cheer on as the ‘heroes’ emerged from their buses. Many of them still bore tell tale signs of torture, some were in bandages and two of them came with IV drips attached to their arms.
But each of them could not help but smile as they were presented roses as they alighted. Only one was left behind, due to a ‘clerical mistake’ and was to be released the next day. If there has been someone, who just happens to be here for the fun, he would probably never realize the irony.
Of this ‘celebration’ and the landmines that still sits in the hills back home, the rural existence that has gone haywire completely and the 480-odd people allegedly transported to god-knows-where inside Myanmar.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thangkhanlal Ngaihte wrote this article for the Sangai Express
This article was webcasted on April 08th, 2007.
Dec 11, 2007
PHAILEN VILLAGE - DEPENDENT ON MYANMAR, BUT MANIPURI AT HEART
K Sharatkumar ***
IMPHAL, Dec 10: They depend entirely on the Myanmarese but still their hearts belong to Manipur. They don`t know what are elections, what is it about and where it is held. They live in the village because their forefathers left it for them.
Phailen village is a village located in the interior Chandel district bordering Myanmar. While reaching the village from Moreh, the border town of Manipur at the international border, one has to go from the Myanmar side or trek a stretch of two days from Sugnu, a village in Thoubal district, the last point where one can travel by vehicle.
The village (Phailen) is the second biggest village (next to Old Samtal) in Samtal area where the Indian army is conducting mass operations to flush out militants. The army has cleared the village from presence of militants.
The villagers depend on a small market at Bokan within Myanmar for their daily needs.For the villagers of Phailen (Manipur), Bokan is the only important centre where they can sell their produce and buy their daily requirements. The centre is nothing for the Myanmarese but only a small market located at a small village.
Talking about the road communication, the villagers said, the only road passing through the village from Myanmar and to Sugnu for onward journey to reach Imphal is from the British period.
The British made the road for their own purpose and the villagers still use the road as their main road communication, but the state government never repaired or improved the road. So even though it was jeepable in the early period, now it is not as before, a 75-year old man said.When asked why they were still staying in the village despite the difficulties, an old woman said, "We are here because we love this land which our forefathers made for us.
""We are completely dependent on the Burmese but still we are in Manipur as Manipuris,"
she went on to say.
The villagers have to cross the international border for their medical treatment whenever they suffer from serious illness. Even though the Myanmar army is very strict about illegal entry into their territory, villagers get relaxation if they go with the patients."They relax the rules for entry if patients are with us, but there is no permission to go for buying medicines required for the patients, " a villager said.If they happen to be caught by the Myanmar army, they are sure to be sent to jail for illegal intrusion into their territory.
Many of the villagers of Phailen have experienced three to five year jail terms in the Myanmar jails. Many more are still languishing in the jails as there is no one to defend them or seek their release.When asked about their local representative in the state Assembly who is supposed to look into their grievances, they seemed to have no knowledge of elections or voting rights.
"Some may have heard of voting but we have never cast a vote or witnessed an election at the village,` said a 60-year old man in Phailen village while interacting with a media team which visited the village with permission from the army authorities.
Interestingly, every election has witnessed election authorities counting votes cast by the electors of this village.According to the villagers they don`t know who is currently in the state Assembly as their representative.For the villagers, the one who could visit Imphal was one of the luckiest persons in the village. Very rarely one or two villagers visited Imphal, the state capital of Manipur, in five or six years.
A wonderful thing that was witnessed in the village was a power generating centre set up by their own effort. According to them, the villagers as per the concept discovered by a villager who visited Imphal some five years back, contributed among themselves to buy a dynamo from Myanmar and make a turbine which they rotated in the current of water at a stream in a hillock to generate power.
The power was brought to their village with a binding wire which was also bought from Myanmar and now they enjoy the power supply."We too wanted to see the light of development and enjoy uninterrupted power supply. So we are generating power with our own effort," a middle-aged villager said.
(This article was published on Kanglaonline,dated 11 Dec,2007)
IMPHAL, Dec 10: They depend entirely on the Myanmarese but still their hearts belong to Manipur. They don`t know what are elections, what is it about and where it is held. They live in the village because their forefathers left it for them.
Phailen village is a village located in the interior Chandel district bordering Myanmar. While reaching the village from Moreh, the border town of Manipur at the international border, one has to go from the Myanmar side or trek a stretch of two days from Sugnu, a village in Thoubal district, the last point where one can travel by vehicle.
The village (Phailen) is the second biggest village (next to Old Samtal) in Samtal area where the Indian army is conducting mass operations to flush out militants. The army has cleared the village from presence of militants.
The villagers depend on a small market at Bokan within Myanmar for their daily needs.For the villagers of Phailen (Manipur), Bokan is the only important centre where they can sell their produce and buy their daily requirements. The centre is nothing for the Myanmarese but only a small market located at a small village.
Talking about the road communication, the villagers said, the only road passing through the village from Myanmar and to Sugnu for onward journey to reach Imphal is from the British period.
The British made the road for their own purpose and the villagers still use the road as their main road communication, but the state government never repaired or improved the road. So even though it was jeepable in the early period, now it is not as before, a 75-year old man said.When asked why they were still staying in the village despite the difficulties, an old woman said, "We are here because we love this land which our forefathers made for us.
""We are completely dependent on the Burmese but still we are in Manipur as Manipuris,"
she went on to say.
The villagers have to cross the international border for their medical treatment whenever they suffer from serious illness. Even though the Myanmar army is very strict about illegal entry into their territory, villagers get relaxation if they go with the patients."They relax the rules for entry if patients are with us, but there is no permission to go for buying medicines required for the patients, " a villager said.If they happen to be caught by the Myanmar army, they are sure to be sent to jail for illegal intrusion into their territory.
Many of the villagers of Phailen have experienced three to five year jail terms in the Myanmar jails. Many more are still languishing in the jails as there is no one to defend them or seek their release.When asked about their local representative in the state Assembly who is supposed to look into their grievances, they seemed to have no knowledge of elections or voting rights.
"Some may have heard of voting but we have never cast a vote or witnessed an election at the village,` said a 60-year old man in Phailen village while interacting with a media team which visited the village with permission from the army authorities.
Interestingly, every election has witnessed election authorities counting votes cast by the electors of this village.According to the villagers they don`t know who is currently in the state Assembly as their representative.For the villagers, the one who could visit Imphal was one of the luckiest persons in the village. Very rarely one or two villagers visited Imphal, the state capital of Manipur, in five or six years.
A wonderful thing that was witnessed in the village was a power generating centre set up by their own effort. According to them, the villagers as per the concept discovered by a villager who visited Imphal some five years back, contributed among themselves to buy a dynamo from Myanmar and make a turbine which they rotated in the current of water at a stream in a hillock to generate power.
The power was brought to their village with a binding wire which was also bought from Myanmar and now they enjoy the power supply."We too wanted to see the light of development and enjoy uninterrupted power supply. So we are generating power with our own effort," a middle-aged villager said.
(This article was published on Kanglaonline,dated 11 Dec,2007)
NO DELIMITATION,NO ASSEMBLY ELECTION
By: H Benjamin Mate *
There was delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly constituencies in 1972-73 on the basis of the 1971 census. I remember one Assembly constituency was added to Churachandpur district after abolishing Phaisat constituency.
The new addition was 59 Saikot AC. Articles 81, 82, 170, 330 and 332 have been amended under the Constitution (Eighty fourth Amendment) Act, 2001 and notified on the 21st February 2002.
Accordingly, Parliament also enacted the Delimitation Act 2002 which was notified on the 4th June 2002. As a result, the Delimitation Commission was set up and has started functioning under the chairmanship of Justice Kuldip Singh, former Judge of the Supreme Court from the 4th July 2002, that is four years and five months back.
It is long enough to complete all the process of delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies in the country including the State of Manipur. The cumulative effects of the said Constitutional Amendment were as follow:
# The total number of existing seats as allocated to various States in the Lok Sabha shall remain unaltered till first census to be taken after 2006.
# Likewise, the total number of existing seats in the Legislative Assemblies of all States also shall remain unaltered till the first census to be taken after 2006.
# The number of seats to be reserved for the SC and the Scheduled Tribes in the Lok Sabha and the State Legislative Assemblies be re-worked on the basis of 2001 census.
# Each State shall be redelimited into territorial Parliamentary and Assembly constituencies on the basis of 2001 census and the extent of such constituencies as delimited now shall remain frozen till the census to be taken after 2006.
# The constituencies shall be so re-delimited that the population on the basis of 2001 census of each Parliamentary and Assembly constituency a state shall, so far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
Attention: Reserved constituencies for the scheduled tribe must be re-worked on the basis of the 2001 census. The constituencies shall be so re-delimited on the basis of 2001 census shall have same population.
With an object to fulfil the salient points of the said Constitutional Amendment, the interest of all the people in Manipur is not to stall the process of delimitation taken up by the Delimitation Commission which is the absolute and apex authority as provided in Section 10(2) of the Delimitation Act, 2002.
It is also pertinent to mention that the Registrar General and Census Commissioner also is the supreme authority in regard to the process of census in the country. As such, Constitution of Officers Committee by the State to review the census is a futile exercise.
Precisely, after the publication of the final population figures of the State in June 2004 by the Census Authority it may be safely presumed that the Government of the State, the Secular Progressive (SPF) Govt led by the Congress was in the know of it.
Sleeping over a matter which is a direct concern of the State Govt for a long time cannot be an excuse for blurred and untimely pleadings. Even assuming that there was faulty, defective and manipulated census figure, who else is there in the dock except the SPF Govt? On the basis of 2001 census and when the re-work on reservation for the tribal people was done, three Assembly constituencies should be reduced from the existing forty Assembly constituencies in the valley and three Assembly seats are to be added to the existing 19 reserved seats according to the Delimitation Commission's concept paper. It is the outcome of simple Arithmetic sans manipulation or favouritism.
It is unfortunate and lamentable some eminent citizens of the State including O Ibobi Singh, Chief Minister displayed pungent words of threat of turmoil and bloodshed in their representation to the court and the Delimitation Commission in order to stall the proceedings of delimitation after the preliminary meeting of the Delimitation Commission on the 24th June 2003 in which the Associate members also were present and where they have decided to increase three Assembly seats reserved for the tribal people in Ukhrul, Senapati and Chandel districts.
The award of the Delimitation Commission on the final 2001 census to the tribal people is not tantamount to extortion from the majority community. Denying the Constitutional right of the tribal people will be a glaring instance, a sabotage which runs counter to the veritable policy of co-existence in our State. Let us not forget that 50 Kangpoki Assembly Constituency which is in the heart of Sadar Hills Autonomous district is a general constituency till today.
The affidavit submitted by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner to the Delimitation Commission in June 2004 as regard to final population figure of the State, the affidavit of the Delimitation Commission and the Election Commission are final and are absolute decisions.
The decision taken by the Delimitation Commission and RR Rashmi, Chief Electoral Officer of Manipur on the 23rd Nov 2006 in Delhi asserted that the Gauhati High Court should be approached to revoke the earlier interim order to stall the process of the delimitation. Let them keep their words.
After the Munich peace conference in 1939 before the Second World War, the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain said, 'Our patience is at an end'.
Likewise the patience of the tribal people in Manipur is at an end when we think about the dissolution of the six Autonomous district Councils about eighteen years back in 1989 by the Congress Ministry.
What is the special reason for not reviving the District Councils by the SPF Govt? At the time of demanding full-fledged statehood, autonomy in the hill districts was projected as the cementing force of territorial integrity of Manipur to the Central leaders.
The sinister move to steal delimitation of Assembly constituencies or even it is revived, attempt not to apply in the coming Assembly elections would result in blitzkrieg agitation from the tribal people.
H Benjamin Mate wrote this article for The Sangai Express. This article was webcasted on January 09th, 2007
There was delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly constituencies in 1972-73 on the basis of the 1971 census. I remember one Assembly constituency was added to Churachandpur district after abolishing Phaisat constituency.
The new addition was 59 Saikot AC. Articles 81, 82, 170, 330 and 332 have been amended under the Constitution (Eighty fourth Amendment) Act, 2001 and notified on the 21st February 2002.
Accordingly, Parliament also enacted the Delimitation Act 2002 which was notified on the 4th June 2002. As a result, the Delimitation Commission was set up and has started functioning under the chairmanship of Justice Kuldip Singh, former Judge of the Supreme Court from the 4th July 2002, that is four years and five months back.
It is long enough to complete all the process of delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies in the country including the State of Manipur. The cumulative effects of the said Constitutional Amendment were as follow:
# The total number of existing seats as allocated to various States in the Lok Sabha shall remain unaltered till first census to be taken after 2006.
# Likewise, the total number of existing seats in the Legislative Assemblies of all States also shall remain unaltered till the first census to be taken after 2006.
# The number of seats to be reserved for the SC and the Scheduled Tribes in the Lok Sabha and the State Legislative Assemblies be re-worked on the basis of 2001 census.
# Each State shall be redelimited into territorial Parliamentary and Assembly constituencies on the basis of 2001 census and the extent of such constituencies as delimited now shall remain frozen till the census to be taken after 2006.
# The constituencies shall be so re-delimited that the population on the basis of 2001 census of each Parliamentary and Assembly constituency a state shall, so far as practicable, be the same throughout the State.
Attention: Reserved constituencies for the scheduled tribe must be re-worked on the basis of the 2001 census. The constituencies shall be so re-delimited on the basis of 2001 census shall have same population.
With an object to fulfil the salient points of the said Constitutional Amendment, the interest of all the people in Manipur is not to stall the process of delimitation taken up by the Delimitation Commission which is the absolute and apex authority as provided in Section 10(2) of the Delimitation Act, 2002.
It is also pertinent to mention that the Registrar General and Census Commissioner also is the supreme authority in regard to the process of census in the country. As such, Constitution of Officers Committee by the State to review the census is a futile exercise.
Precisely, after the publication of the final population figures of the State in June 2004 by the Census Authority it may be safely presumed that the Government of the State, the Secular Progressive (SPF) Govt led by the Congress was in the know of it.
Sleeping over a matter which is a direct concern of the State Govt for a long time cannot be an excuse for blurred and untimely pleadings. Even assuming that there was faulty, defective and manipulated census figure, who else is there in the dock except the SPF Govt? On the basis of 2001 census and when the re-work on reservation for the tribal people was done, three Assembly constituencies should be reduced from the existing forty Assembly constituencies in the valley and three Assembly seats are to be added to the existing 19 reserved seats according to the Delimitation Commission's concept paper. It is the outcome of simple Arithmetic sans manipulation or favouritism.
It is unfortunate and lamentable some eminent citizens of the State including O Ibobi Singh, Chief Minister displayed pungent words of threat of turmoil and bloodshed in their representation to the court and the Delimitation Commission in order to stall the proceedings of delimitation after the preliminary meeting of the Delimitation Commission on the 24th June 2003 in which the Associate members also were present and where they have decided to increase three Assembly seats reserved for the tribal people in Ukhrul, Senapati and Chandel districts.
The award of the Delimitation Commission on the final 2001 census to the tribal people is not tantamount to extortion from the majority community. Denying the Constitutional right of the tribal people will be a glaring instance, a sabotage which runs counter to the veritable policy of co-existence in our State. Let us not forget that 50 Kangpoki Assembly Constituency which is in the heart of Sadar Hills Autonomous district is a general constituency till today.
The affidavit submitted by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner to the Delimitation Commission in June 2004 as regard to final population figure of the State, the affidavit of the Delimitation Commission and the Election Commission are final and are absolute decisions.
The decision taken by the Delimitation Commission and RR Rashmi, Chief Electoral Officer of Manipur on the 23rd Nov 2006 in Delhi asserted that the Gauhati High Court should be approached to revoke the earlier interim order to stall the process of the delimitation. Let them keep their words.
After the Munich peace conference in 1939 before the Second World War, the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain said, 'Our patience is at an end'.
Likewise the patience of the tribal people in Manipur is at an end when we think about the dissolution of the six Autonomous district Councils about eighteen years back in 1989 by the Congress Ministry.
What is the special reason for not reviving the District Councils by the SPF Govt? At the time of demanding full-fledged statehood, autonomy in the hill districts was projected as the cementing force of territorial integrity of Manipur to the Central leaders.
The sinister move to steal delimitation of Assembly constituencies or even it is revived, attempt not to apply in the coming Assembly elections would result in blitzkrieg agitation from the tribal people.
H Benjamin Mate wrote this article for The Sangai Express. This article was webcasted on January 09th, 2007
Dec 10, 2007
COUNTER INSURSENCY IN THE NORTH-EAST: A COUNTER-PERSPECTIVE
By: Paolenlal Haokip***
The continuing insurgency in northeast India suggests the failure of the counter-insurgency strategy in place over the years. Considering the threats to human, economic and national security that it poses, a re-examination of this strategy, the presumptions underlying it, their shortcomings, and the formulation of an alternative counter-insurgency plan acquires importance.
Counter-insurgency in India has largely been synonymous with army deployment. Army Headquarters is known to have a counter-insurgency bureau to draw up strategies to bring an end to insurgency. Civil and military intelligence agencies are placed in over-drive. The Police take the back seat in fighting insurgents. Their role is limited to keeping the arrested under-trials in custody, after the army or paramilitary forces have done with their ‘arrests.’ The Judiciary is unquestioningly taken to be just, although no authority exists to probe the integrity and accountability of the Judges. Whatever local support is enjoyed by insurgents is sought to be diminished by rough treatment of the civilian population in areas of militant activity by conducting combing operations; the message is, “keep away from insurgents or suffer the consequences.” Often, civilian support to insurgent groups is taken as a given, resulting in their widespread repression. Insurgency is considered a hindrance to development, to be dealt with severely. This is based on the premise that development will arrest insurgency, which is a late realization that lack of development is at the root of it all.
Surrenders are encouraged, and surrendered militants are often promised benefits that are later found hard to fulfil. Patronage to insurgents by local political figures is often established, but never seriously sought to be undone. Allegations of human rights violations by the army are rampant, but hardly any convictions occur. Worst of all, the brutality of insurgent violence is often used to justify excesses committed by the security forces. Lastly, a posting in insurgency affected areas is considered a punishment, and the general attitude of officials here is of utter disdain or excessive paternalism, (both are invariably resented by the locals) and never quite one of facing a challenge, requiring service or in-house dedication.
Deploying the military, trained to fight enemy hostility, to deal with civilian populations is bound to have, and has had, disastrous consequences. However, this is still resorted to with impunity. Therefore, the rationale, if any, behind this dispensation needs proper analysis. Is it an admission of the wretched state of the police forces, and their incapability to ensure law and order, which is their raison d’etre? Is insurgency much more than a law and order problem, having wider political and security implications, to handle which the police forces are incapable? Or, is it a combination of both factors?? What have the concerned state governments and central ministries done to improve the capability of the police forces? If insurgency has wider political and security implications, what are the initiatives taken to deal with them? Are the political and security initiatives in place adequate to address the problem? If military deployment was inevitable, are there any arrangements to train the deployed units in terms of attitudinal re-orientation, respect and observance of human rights, cognition of civilian and ethnic sensibilities? These are pertinent questions that have to be answered positively to effectively counter the menace of insurgency which is caused by alienation, political, developmental, ethnic, religio-cultural, economic and geographical, and combinations thereof.
Some analysts have concluded that most insurgent organizations in the northeast are nothing more than illegal money making enterprises. While one could find some truth in this, it is also true that insurgency serves this very purpose for corrupt government officials. In states like Manipur, one can safely assert that corruption is the main hindrance to effective counter-insurgency operations. An arrested insurgent can become a petty thief in the police records if the inspector in charge receives sufficient “Cha thaknaba” (a local term for bribe, which literally means ‘for the purpose of having tea’). The Judicial system is in such a wretched state that lawyers no longer argue the merits of a case but evolve conduits for? reaching bribes to Magistrates, and are rated in terms of their personal rapport with concerned Magistrates, and their ability to favorably influence judgments through bribes. A terrible spin-off of this messy police and judicial system is that unscrupulous police officers can arrest innocent and ignorant civilians on charges of insurgency to extract bribes. A young man once subjected to this injustice almost always proves to be a ready recruit for insurgent organizations.
Counter-insurgency must be multi-pronged and cross-governmental to be effective. The various developmental ministries in the government have to play a concerted role. Lack of development and poverty are responsible for disaffection with the state and rise of insurgent movements. Enhanced economic progress can be an effective check on the inclination towards revolt. The developmental departments in the government thus have a major role in countering insurgency. The Police establishment should also be reformed to acquire integrity, accountability, capability and devotion. Measures should be taken to make the police free from political interference. The judiciary has to be made accountable. A judicial ombudsman to whom aggrieved litigators can make appeals could be a good beginning. The army and paramilitary security forces engaged in counter-insurgency should be given special training which emphasizes human rights education, respect for human and constitutional rights, and respect for ethnic and communal sensibilities. There is also an urgent need to establish an independent and powerful Bureau of Internal Affairs within the security forces which can probe excesses and abuse of authority without fear or favor to punish the indicted.
Ordinary citizens in insurgency affected areas should also be made aware of their rights and obligations. This could significantly deter the abuse of authority by the security forces, combined with an effective grievance redressal mechanism such as the proposed Bureau of Internal Affairs. The promotion of legal awareness can be achieved by a combination of governmental efforts and the involvement of non-governmental organizations. Wide publicity of basic rights through newspapers and pamphlets, seminars and their inclusion in the curricula of educational institutions would be useful. Besides, knowledge of basic rights can also be disseminated through established channels of community communication like the church, the village councils, and student bodies, depending on their feasibility in relation to a particular group or community. The chronic insurgency in the northeast is, besides other factors, a product of withering governance and the predominantly military approach to counter-insurgency.
By its very nature, insurgency is a challenge to the existing state of governance. It is a revolt against inadequate governance, which failed to meet the economic, socio-political, ethno-cultural and physical security needs of various communities, especially those on the periphery. Therefore, the first step towards tackling insurgency is to make the administration provide good governance. An efficient, effective and accountable administration, which sincerely and adequately meets the needs of the people would be the most viable counter-insurgency mechanism.
Counter-insurgency should also have a political content. When the crisis in governance gets prolonged, common grievances can acquire political hues. The grievances of a particular region or community that could have been redressed by timely administrative attention, when ignored, acquire political overtones that require political solutions. It is insufficient then to seek purely administrative and developmental remedies. Optimal doses of political decentralization and self-governance then become necessary to arrest the tide of political dissent. This is especially true of many insurgency movements in the North-East. Therefore, along with efforts to ensure good governance, an objective assessment of political decentralization and its timely administration is advisable given the unabated insurgency in the region. Research in the last decade has suggested linkages between education, especially the teaching of history, and conflict. The content and interpretation in history text books, the inclusion or exclusion, inadvertent or otherwise, in chronicles of national histories, and the emphasis laid on civilizational, racial, religious and center-periphery contests are believed to inculcate conflict. Besides, the nationalist discourse, a dominant theme in most historical texts, which legitimizes nationhood, based on differences with ‘others’ tends to influence regional, ethnic and religious communities. Those on the periphery of a state whose heroes are not featured as heroes in the national historiography, whose cultures finds no mention in the national culture and whose religion is identified with ‘others’ and vilified are extremely vulnerable to the temptations of secessionism. Augmented by the lack of economic welfare and the collapse of governance, these disillusionments can give rise to revolts. This thesis fits the situation in North East India.
The focus should now be on evolving the peace-promoting role of education, and explore how education can bring about an understanding of the sources of conflict, promote conflict management, and contribute to post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. Given the comparatively high rates of literacy obtained in the North Eastern states, this approach deserves serious attention and could be tried out rather than continuing with the old and hackneyed carrot and stick policy.
*** The article was originally published in two parts on October 25, 2002 and November 29, 2002 at http://www.ipcs.org
*** The writer is a Research Officer at the Institute Of Peace and Conflict Studies. *** The article has been published with due permission from the Institute of Peace & Conflict Studies (IPCS).
*** You may visit IPCS's website at http://www.ipcs.org for further readings.
The continuing insurgency in northeast India suggests the failure of the counter-insurgency strategy in place over the years. Considering the threats to human, economic and national security that it poses, a re-examination of this strategy, the presumptions underlying it, their shortcomings, and the formulation of an alternative counter-insurgency plan acquires importance.
Counter-insurgency in India has largely been synonymous with army deployment. Army Headquarters is known to have a counter-insurgency bureau to draw up strategies to bring an end to insurgency. Civil and military intelligence agencies are placed in over-drive. The Police take the back seat in fighting insurgents. Their role is limited to keeping the arrested under-trials in custody, after the army or paramilitary forces have done with their ‘arrests.’ The Judiciary is unquestioningly taken to be just, although no authority exists to probe the integrity and accountability of the Judges. Whatever local support is enjoyed by insurgents is sought to be diminished by rough treatment of the civilian population in areas of militant activity by conducting combing operations; the message is, “keep away from insurgents or suffer the consequences.” Often, civilian support to insurgent groups is taken as a given, resulting in their widespread repression. Insurgency is considered a hindrance to development, to be dealt with severely. This is based on the premise that development will arrest insurgency, which is a late realization that lack of development is at the root of it all.
Surrenders are encouraged, and surrendered militants are often promised benefits that are later found hard to fulfil. Patronage to insurgents by local political figures is often established, but never seriously sought to be undone. Allegations of human rights violations by the army are rampant, but hardly any convictions occur. Worst of all, the brutality of insurgent violence is often used to justify excesses committed by the security forces. Lastly, a posting in insurgency affected areas is considered a punishment, and the general attitude of officials here is of utter disdain or excessive paternalism, (both are invariably resented by the locals) and never quite one of facing a challenge, requiring service or in-house dedication.
Deploying the military, trained to fight enemy hostility, to deal with civilian populations is bound to have, and has had, disastrous consequences. However, this is still resorted to with impunity. Therefore, the rationale, if any, behind this dispensation needs proper analysis. Is it an admission of the wretched state of the police forces, and their incapability to ensure law and order, which is their raison d’etre? Is insurgency much more than a law and order problem, having wider political and security implications, to handle which the police forces are incapable? Or, is it a combination of both factors?? What have the concerned state governments and central ministries done to improve the capability of the police forces? If insurgency has wider political and security implications, what are the initiatives taken to deal with them? Are the political and security initiatives in place adequate to address the problem? If military deployment was inevitable, are there any arrangements to train the deployed units in terms of attitudinal re-orientation, respect and observance of human rights, cognition of civilian and ethnic sensibilities? These are pertinent questions that have to be answered positively to effectively counter the menace of insurgency which is caused by alienation, political, developmental, ethnic, religio-cultural, economic and geographical, and combinations thereof.
Some analysts have concluded that most insurgent organizations in the northeast are nothing more than illegal money making enterprises. While one could find some truth in this, it is also true that insurgency serves this very purpose for corrupt government officials. In states like Manipur, one can safely assert that corruption is the main hindrance to effective counter-insurgency operations. An arrested insurgent can become a petty thief in the police records if the inspector in charge receives sufficient “Cha thaknaba” (a local term for bribe, which literally means ‘for the purpose of having tea’). The Judicial system is in such a wretched state that lawyers no longer argue the merits of a case but evolve conduits for? reaching bribes to Magistrates, and are rated in terms of their personal rapport with concerned Magistrates, and their ability to favorably influence judgments through bribes. A terrible spin-off of this messy police and judicial system is that unscrupulous police officers can arrest innocent and ignorant civilians on charges of insurgency to extract bribes. A young man once subjected to this injustice almost always proves to be a ready recruit for insurgent organizations.
Counter-insurgency must be multi-pronged and cross-governmental to be effective. The various developmental ministries in the government have to play a concerted role. Lack of development and poverty are responsible for disaffection with the state and rise of insurgent movements. Enhanced economic progress can be an effective check on the inclination towards revolt. The developmental departments in the government thus have a major role in countering insurgency. The Police establishment should also be reformed to acquire integrity, accountability, capability and devotion. Measures should be taken to make the police free from political interference. The judiciary has to be made accountable. A judicial ombudsman to whom aggrieved litigators can make appeals could be a good beginning. The army and paramilitary security forces engaged in counter-insurgency should be given special training which emphasizes human rights education, respect for human and constitutional rights, and respect for ethnic and communal sensibilities. There is also an urgent need to establish an independent and powerful Bureau of Internal Affairs within the security forces which can probe excesses and abuse of authority without fear or favor to punish the indicted.
Ordinary citizens in insurgency affected areas should also be made aware of their rights and obligations. This could significantly deter the abuse of authority by the security forces, combined with an effective grievance redressal mechanism such as the proposed Bureau of Internal Affairs. The promotion of legal awareness can be achieved by a combination of governmental efforts and the involvement of non-governmental organizations. Wide publicity of basic rights through newspapers and pamphlets, seminars and their inclusion in the curricula of educational institutions would be useful. Besides, knowledge of basic rights can also be disseminated through established channels of community communication like the church, the village councils, and student bodies, depending on their feasibility in relation to a particular group or community. The chronic insurgency in the northeast is, besides other factors, a product of withering governance and the predominantly military approach to counter-insurgency.
By its very nature, insurgency is a challenge to the existing state of governance. It is a revolt against inadequate governance, which failed to meet the economic, socio-political, ethno-cultural and physical security needs of various communities, especially those on the periphery. Therefore, the first step towards tackling insurgency is to make the administration provide good governance. An efficient, effective and accountable administration, which sincerely and adequately meets the needs of the people would be the most viable counter-insurgency mechanism.
Counter-insurgency should also have a political content. When the crisis in governance gets prolonged, common grievances can acquire political hues. The grievances of a particular region or community that could have been redressed by timely administrative attention, when ignored, acquire political overtones that require political solutions. It is insufficient then to seek purely administrative and developmental remedies. Optimal doses of political decentralization and self-governance then become necessary to arrest the tide of political dissent. This is especially true of many insurgency movements in the North-East. Therefore, along with efforts to ensure good governance, an objective assessment of political decentralization and its timely administration is advisable given the unabated insurgency in the region. Research in the last decade has suggested linkages between education, especially the teaching of history, and conflict. The content and interpretation in history text books, the inclusion or exclusion, inadvertent or otherwise, in chronicles of national histories, and the emphasis laid on civilizational, racial, religious and center-periphery contests are believed to inculcate conflict. Besides, the nationalist discourse, a dominant theme in most historical texts, which legitimizes nationhood, based on differences with ‘others’ tends to influence regional, ethnic and religious communities. Those on the periphery of a state whose heroes are not featured as heroes in the national historiography, whose cultures finds no mention in the national culture and whose religion is identified with ‘others’ and vilified are extremely vulnerable to the temptations of secessionism. Augmented by the lack of economic welfare and the collapse of governance, these disillusionments can give rise to revolts. This thesis fits the situation in North East India.
The focus should now be on evolving the peace-promoting role of education, and explore how education can bring about an understanding of the sources of conflict, promote conflict management, and contribute to post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. Given the comparatively high rates of literacy obtained in the North Eastern states, this approach deserves serious attention and could be tried out rather than continuing with the old and hackneyed carrot and stick policy.
*** The article was originally published in two parts on October 25, 2002 and November 29, 2002 at http://www.ipcs.org
*** The writer is a Research Officer at the Institute Of Peace and Conflict Studies. *** The article has been published with due permission from the Institute of Peace & Conflict Studies (IPCS).
*** You may visit IPCS's website at http://www.ipcs.org for further readings.
OF PLEBILSCITE AND SOVEREIGNTY
By:Donn Morgan Kipgen
The confidentially common watch-word or socio-political subject amongst the general intelligentsia of the majority community of Manipur is the term 'Plebiscite'. In layman's term, it is a call or proposal for total independence by means of direct voting by the citizens in a peaceful manner. The rare issue called Plebiscite, as we perceived now, is a modern political conception based on the Latin term 'Plebiscitum' (origin C. 1577 AD) meaning 'a law enacted by the Plebs assembled in Comitia Tributa'. Ironically, the Plebs (c. 1835) were the poorer common or under-privileged citizens in the two socio-political division of the ancient Roman society; the other being the learned and rich aristocrats.
In an original literal sense, a plebiscite is a decree, an amendment or new law passed by the legislature or elected representatives of the common people and not a secessionist political exercise by means of mass voting. Such law making voting exercise had been reserved exclusively for the underprivileged Roman Plebeians, i.e. the common citizens. So, what is the real meaning of modern day plebiscite? It means ascertainment or acknowledgment of general opinion on any socio-political matter conducted peacefully by the federal Government under the supervision of a third party. Under special circumstances, it can also mean a direct vote of adult franchise of the whole nation on special point and of the general interest of the Federal Government.
The modern day concept of plebiscite has multiple-factors and important criteria with the direct diplomatic support from powerful or influential western countries. Some of the main factors and criteria were clearly mentioned in an article: 'Magnificent Obsession' by Lt Col H Bhuban (Rtd), 3rd May, 2006, edition “The Sangai Express”. His politically correct critical observation has been long ignored by the majority community of Manipur, the Sanaleibak. Now, the inevitable probing question is: 'Does Manipur as a whole have the necessary criteria, total consensus and economic resources to become a totally independent sovereign nation by means of plebiscite as of this very period? Frankly and relatively speaking, the answer is a 'No', since the mandatory ingredients and criteria are found very much lacking in present day Manipur. Yes, indeed, Manipur, like a surrenderee, has every right as a nation-state to become free and exercises its liberty. This universal fact, no force on earth can deny, if things are done peacefully in the right manner, for the right purpose.The spirit of plebiscitary is very much evident in Imphal Valley of late, especially within the elite and learned class. For many a seminar, debates, workshops, meetings, etc have been organized and conducted by learned scholars, academicians, social-workers, politicians et al.
Unfortunately, these intellectual Manipuri Plebeians have not or did not take into account as to why, how or where it should or could be done and what would be the chaotic fall out even if a plebiscite is conducted successfully on a majority vote of 51% or above in the State of Manipur in the near future. They do not take into account the numerical and ethnical parts of it and did not bother to keep in mind as to who really proposed, propounded and stoutly idealized it.
One could not explain on what ground the Governor of Manipur uttered the political taboo 'plebiscite' on the record and on what context he had causally used it as a part of his speech. Yes, indeed, the Governor, Dr SS Sidhu, definitely did not call for general plebiscite since he had neither the authority nor responsibility over the question of sovereignty. However, non-tribal militants latched on to the holy word, i.e.; plebiscite, as an unoffered carrot dangling on the stationary stick.
On the other hand, some sections of our patriotic society and Government institutions inexplicably but understandably rose up to back the call in unison on the justifiable impression that it was a genuine carrot (policy) deliberately left unguarded. Sadly, the majority citizens of Manipur seem to wholeheartedly regard the clarion call for plebiscite just like they did in anti-ceasefire extension and the AFSPA issues, which are very much lawful and within the authority of the State administration. It is worth mentioning that the Chief Minister, O Ibobi Singh, lifted the disturbed Area Act, thereby the AFSPA, only in the seven valley A/C areas in the aftermath of the killing of Th Manorama; the twin judicial inquiry did not include the killing of Pastor Jamkholet Khongsai who was killed by suspected 28th AR personnel.
The plebiscitary citizens must also have to keep in mind that the State Government did not accept or diplomatically honor the ceasefire agreement (suspension of military Ops) between the Central armed forces and 10 CHIKIMS UG as of this very period. Sometime back the Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh flatly ignored and cruelly denied mass existence of homeless CHIKIMS of the Sajik Tampak war-zones as refugee status which would have enabled the CM Emergency Relief Fund and the State Government contingency fund to be disbursed as stipulated. The inhuman attitude of the State Government maintained on a regular basis is socio-culturally detrimental to total unity which is the binding force of all independent nations. The practical official jurisdiction of the present State Government is just one-third of the whole State, with its proper administration and law enforcement restricted to the valley areas only. No earnest effort is made by any influential institutions to bring the citizens of Manipur as one united force on equal terms. Instead things are actually going the wrong way as things stand now. This is the inevitable vice of all multi-ethnic nation states - socio-cultural division on political ground. With this unsettling background, the question of plebiscite is borders on over optimism and immaturity.
Successful plebiscite in modern history is as rare as the famous 'Yellow rain' of Manipur, a mysterious single phenomenon which is known by the whole scientific world except the citizens of Manipur. The 'unsuccessful' Quebec plebiscite was an exception, that of East Timor a genuine classic plebiscite and that of Kashmir an acceptable farce. All of them have one thing in common - same ethnic group sharing one common official language, they have their own economic resource, no multi-extremist groups or bloody insurgency movements. We all know the unsuccessful insurgency movements of IRA in Northern Ireland, the Basque's ETA in Spain and lots of others in South America. Fire-power and extremism are not the best answers to gain independence by means of a rare socio-political phenomenon called plebiscite.
Back home, even the NSCN, ULFA, and other tribal militant groups, like the Kashmiris, have now evidently realized the utopian distant dream of sovereignty. They earnestly invest on table-talks rather than talking guns. However, the optimistic dream of sovereignty is not impossible for those who persist for ages with violent means. But that amounts to revolution than anything else. Indeed, Manipur as a former independent nation can regain sovereignty if all citizens and UG militants fight together united with the required mental and physical courage. Cuba, US, Bolshevik Russia, Vietnam, the Balkan States, Israel, Maoist China etc successfully gained the freedom or complete independence by directly and openly fighting the regular armed forces of powerful countries in bloody wars with their much smaller popular militia or irregular armies with full support of the patriotic citizens. Small and uncouth as they might be, each of those courageous liberating forces were of the same caste and creed sharing a common faith, belief and principal.
However, here in Manipur, we have different UG outfits in each of the three ethnic groups and the minority community with different views, languages, beliefs, ideologies and exclusive demands; not to mention factional rivalries and communal enmities which have regularly kept us on the edge. At this very moment, the Kuki UG outfits have their own different ideas like other CHIKIMS militants. The Nagas are fighting for their own territorial integration i.e. Greater Nagalim, whereas the minority Muslim UG outfits are fighting for separate homeland. So, total unity amongst all ethnic groups of Manipur is, as of now, out of the general equation, and therein lies the number problem. If by God's grace, an official plebiscite for total independence is held today, would the much needed 51 plus %. 'Yes', votes be gained? Would or should the majority of the CHIKIMS, Nagas and Muslims vote for 'Yes' against the ideologies of their own UG outfits? Well, improbable as it might be, anything can happen, for we are living in the land of liberty, equality and freedom of speech, expression and faith. No one is bound by any law or faith to withhold, express his own free will. So, should there be a peaceful plebiscite in the near future, it must have to be voting just like that of MLA/MP election: Your choice.In order to conduct any plebiscite, there ought to be a powerful third party country.
Without the backing of influential nations like the US, European nation or economically powerful Asian countries, the Government of India will never call for a plebiscite. As we all know, Khalistan is now history, Kashmir a lost cause and independent Nagalim a compromise deal. Most importantly, like the good old Col Bhuban observed, Manipur has no local economic resources, trade centre, large industries, railheads nor international airport or independent professional institutions etc at present. No heavy import and export product. Economic infrastructures are as good as deserted Government schools in far flung areas of Manipur. Professional and educational institutions are not up to the mark.
This means that we, the Manipuris, ought to be more realistic in our approach and try making a strong nation out of our own nation. We all need to build our dreams first and then practice our ideologies. We all should try to earn self-respect and respect others' rights and give unto ourselves an honor that is freedom and liberty. Until then, we have a long way to go to keep our promises.
(Courtesy: The Sangai Express)
The confidentially common watch-word or socio-political subject amongst the general intelligentsia of the majority community of Manipur is the term 'Plebiscite'. In layman's term, it is a call or proposal for total independence by means of direct voting by the citizens in a peaceful manner. The rare issue called Plebiscite, as we perceived now, is a modern political conception based on the Latin term 'Plebiscitum' (origin C. 1577 AD) meaning 'a law enacted by the Plebs assembled in Comitia Tributa'. Ironically, the Plebs (c. 1835) were the poorer common or under-privileged citizens in the two socio-political division of the ancient Roman society; the other being the learned and rich aristocrats.
In an original literal sense, a plebiscite is a decree, an amendment or new law passed by the legislature or elected representatives of the common people and not a secessionist political exercise by means of mass voting. Such law making voting exercise had been reserved exclusively for the underprivileged Roman Plebeians, i.e. the common citizens. So, what is the real meaning of modern day plebiscite? It means ascertainment or acknowledgment of general opinion on any socio-political matter conducted peacefully by the federal Government under the supervision of a third party. Under special circumstances, it can also mean a direct vote of adult franchise of the whole nation on special point and of the general interest of the Federal Government.
The modern day concept of plebiscite has multiple-factors and important criteria with the direct diplomatic support from powerful or influential western countries. Some of the main factors and criteria were clearly mentioned in an article: 'Magnificent Obsession' by Lt Col H Bhuban (Rtd), 3rd May, 2006, edition “The Sangai Express”. His politically correct critical observation has been long ignored by the majority community of Manipur, the Sanaleibak. Now, the inevitable probing question is: 'Does Manipur as a whole have the necessary criteria, total consensus and economic resources to become a totally independent sovereign nation by means of plebiscite as of this very period? Frankly and relatively speaking, the answer is a 'No', since the mandatory ingredients and criteria are found very much lacking in present day Manipur. Yes, indeed, Manipur, like a surrenderee, has every right as a nation-state to become free and exercises its liberty. This universal fact, no force on earth can deny, if things are done peacefully in the right manner, for the right purpose.The spirit of plebiscitary is very much evident in Imphal Valley of late, especially within the elite and learned class. For many a seminar, debates, workshops, meetings, etc have been organized and conducted by learned scholars, academicians, social-workers, politicians et al.
Unfortunately, these intellectual Manipuri Plebeians have not or did not take into account as to why, how or where it should or could be done and what would be the chaotic fall out even if a plebiscite is conducted successfully on a majority vote of 51% or above in the State of Manipur in the near future. They do not take into account the numerical and ethnical parts of it and did not bother to keep in mind as to who really proposed, propounded and stoutly idealized it.
One could not explain on what ground the Governor of Manipur uttered the political taboo 'plebiscite' on the record and on what context he had causally used it as a part of his speech. Yes, indeed, the Governor, Dr SS Sidhu, definitely did not call for general plebiscite since he had neither the authority nor responsibility over the question of sovereignty. However, non-tribal militants latched on to the holy word, i.e.; plebiscite, as an unoffered carrot dangling on the stationary stick.
On the other hand, some sections of our patriotic society and Government institutions inexplicably but understandably rose up to back the call in unison on the justifiable impression that it was a genuine carrot (policy) deliberately left unguarded. Sadly, the majority citizens of Manipur seem to wholeheartedly regard the clarion call for plebiscite just like they did in anti-ceasefire extension and the AFSPA issues, which are very much lawful and within the authority of the State administration. It is worth mentioning that the Chief Minister, O Ibobi Singh, lifted the disturbed Area Act, thereby the AFSPA, only in the seven valley A/C areas in the aftermath of the killing of Th Manorama; the twin judicial inquiry did not include the killing of Pastor Jamkholet Khongsai who was killed by suspected 28th AR personnel.
The plebiscitary citizens must also have to keep in mind that the State Government did not accept or diplomatically honor the ceasefire agreement (suspension of military Ops) between the Central armed forces and 10 CHIKIMS UG as of this very period. Sometime back the Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh flatly ignored and cruelly denied mass existence of homeless CHIKIMS of the Sajik Tampak war-zones as refugee status which would have enabled the CM Emergency Relief Fund and the State Government contingency fund to be disbursed as stipulated. The inhuman attitude of the State Government maintained on a regular basis is socio-culturally detrimental to total unity which is the binding force of all independent nations. The practical official jurisdiction of the present State Government is just one-third of the whole State, with its proper administration and law enforcement restricted to the valley areas only. No earnest effort is made by any influential institutions to bring the citizens of Manipur as one united force on equal terms. Instead things are actually going the wrong way as things stand now. This is the inevitable vice of all multi-ethnic nation states - socio-cultural division on political ground. With this unsettling background, the question of plebiscite is borders on over optimism and immaturity.
Successful plebiscite in modern history is as rare as the famous 'Yellow rain' of Manipur, a mysterious single phenomenon which is known by the whole scientific world except the citizens of Manipur. The 'unsuccessful' Quebec plebiscite was an exception, that of East Timor a genuine classic plebiscite and that of Kashmir an acceptable farce. All of them have one thing in common - same ethnic group sharing one common official language, they have their own economic resource, no multi-extremist groups or bloody insurgency movements. We all know the unsuccessful insurgency movements of IRA in Northern Ireland, the Basque's ETA in Spain and lots of others in South America. Fire-power and extremism are not the best answers to gain independence by means of a rare socio-political phenomenon called plebiscite.
Back home, even the NSCN, ULFA, and other tribal militant groups, like the Kashmiris, have now evidently realized the utopian distant dream of sovereignty. They earnestly invest on table-talks rather than talking guns. However, the optimistic dream of sovereignty is not impossible for those who persist for ages with violent means. But that amounts to revolution than anything else. Indeed, Manipur as a former independent nation can regain sovereignty if all citizens and UG militants fight together united with the required mental and physical courage. Cuba, US, Bolshevik Russia, Vietnam, the Balkan States, Israel, Maoist China etc successfully gained the freedom or complete independence by directly and openly fighting the regular armed forces of powerful countries in bloody wars with their much smaller popular militia or irregular armies with full support of the patriotic citizens. Small and uncouth as they might be, each of those courageous liberating forces were of the same caste and creed sharing a common faith, belief and principal.
However, here in Manipur, we have different UG outfits in each of the three ethnic groups and the minority community with different views, languages, beliefs, ideologies and exclusive demands; not to mention factional rivalries and communal enmities which have regularly kept us on the edge. At this very moment, the Kuki UG outfits have their own different ideas like other CHIKIMS militants. The Nagas are fighting for their own territorial integration i.e. Greater Nagalim, whereas the minority Muslim UG outfits are fighting for separate homeland. So, total unity amongst all ethnic groups of Manipur is, as of now, out of the general equation, and therein lies the number problem. If by God's grace, an official plebiscite for total independence is held today, would the much needed 51 plus %. 'Yes', votes be gained? Would or should the majority of the CHIKIMS, Nagas and Muslims vote for 'Yes' against the ideologies of their own UG outfits? Well, improbable as it might be, anything can happen, for we are living in the land of liberty, equality and freedom of speech, expression and faith. No one is bound by any law or faith to withhold, express his own free will. So, should there be a peaceful plebiscite in the near future, it must have to be voting just like that of MLA/MP election: Your choice.In order to conduct any plebiscite, there ought to be a powerful third party country.
Without the backing of influential nations like the US, European nation or economically powerful Asian countries, the Government of India will never call for a plebiscite. As we all know, Khalistan is now history, Kashmir a lost cause and independent Nagalim a compromise deal. Most importantly, like the good old Col Bhuban observed, Manipur has no local economic resources, trade centre, large industries, railheads nor international airport or independent professional institutions etc at present. No heavy import and export product. Economic infrastructures are as good as deserted Government schools in far flung areas of Manipur. Professional and educational institutions are not up to the mark.
This means that we, the Manipuris, ought to be more realistic in our approach and try making a strong nation out of our own nation. We all need to build our dreams first and then practice our ideologies. We all should try to earn self-respect and respect others' rights and give unto ourselves an honor that is freedom and liberty. Until then, we have a long way to go to keep our promises.
(Courtesy: The Sangai Express)
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